{"id":27349,"date":"2018-04-04T16:14:05","date_gmt":"2018-04-04T14:14:05","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/libmod.de\/?p=27349"},"modified":"2020-03-28T02:46:57","modified_gmt":"2020-03-28T01:46:57","slug":"surviving-the-storm-liberal-democracy-in-times-of-change","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/surviving-the-storm-liberal-democracy-in-times-of-change\/","title":{"rendered":"Surviving the Storm: Liberal Democracy in Times of Change"},"content":{"rendered":"

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Attri\u00adbution \u2014 Non Commericial \u2014 No Derivs Creative Commons \u00a9 European Union 2012 \u2014 European Parliament \u2014\u2014\u2014\u2014\u2014\u2014\u2014\u2014\u2014\u2014\u2014\u2014\u2014- Pietro Naj-Oleari: European Parliament, Infor\u00admation General Direc\u00adtoratem, Web Commu\u00adni\u00adcation Unit, Picture Editor. Phone: +32479721559\/+32.2.28 40 633 E\u2011mail: pietro.naj-oleari@europarl.europa.eu<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

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Society is caught up in a whirlwind of change. The power of liberal democ\u00adracies is dwindling and the political balance in the world is shifting. An interview with Ralf F\u00fccks on what to expect from the renewed grand coalition in Germany, and how to defend liberal democracy in times of anti-liberal revolt.<\/h2>\n

Roderick Kefferp\u00fctz: The European political landscape is changing. Macron\u2019s election victory, the creation of a right-wing coalition in Austria, anti-liberal tendencies in Poland and Hungary, and the outcome of the Italian elections all point to growing divisions within the EU. Against this backdrop, what\u2019s your view on the renewal of the grand coalition in Berlin?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ralf F\u00fccks:<\/strong> At first glance, this is a sign of stability and conti\u00adnuity after months of political nervousness in Germany. I am not overly confident, however, about the political capacity of this coalition. The Social Democrats have taken a battering and will try to distin\u00adguish themselves from the Christian Democrats. But the Christian Democ\u00adratic Union, Chancellor Angela Merkel\u2019s party and the bigger of Germany\u2019s two allied centre-right parties, doesn\u2019t really know what it stands for. While there is talk of a fresh start in European policy and of the challenges posed by digital\u00adi\u00adsation, the coalition agreement is more of a \u2018lowest common denom\u00adi\u00adnator\u2019 document. We shouldn\u2019t expect any great political initia\u00adtives from Berlin, although this is urgently needed.<\/p>\n

Since your <\/strong>last interview<\/strong><\/a> in the Green European Journal, you have both published a new book, <\/strong>Freiheit vertei\u00addigen<\/em><\/strong><\/a> (Defending Freedom) and founded the think tank <\/strong>Zentrum Liberale Moderne (LibMod)<\/strong><\/a>. What was the motivation behind these two initiatives?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Liberal democ\u00adracies are faced with a double challenge. An external challenge comes from the actions of assertive powers such as Russia, China, Iran, and even Turkey, which no longer see themselves as societies in transition from an author\u00adi\u00adtarian past to a democ\u00adratic future, but as a counter-model to the West. The concept of author\u00adi\u00adtarian moderni\u00adsation is being put forward with confi\u00addence and brings us back to global systemic rivalry between author\u00adi\u00adtarian and democ\u00adratic societies.<\/p>\n

The defence of liberal democracy has become the key issue of our time.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

At the same time, there\u2019s the enemy within. An anti-liberal counter-movement is spreading through Europe and the USA, affecting the core countries of the West. Trump, Brexit, and the increasing strength of right-wing populist to right-wing extremist movements are expres\u00adsions of this. The defence of liberal democracy has become the key issue of our time. It is not about preserving the status quo: defence means renewal.<\/p>\n

What are the reasons behind this anti-liberal revolt? <\/strong><\/p>\n

We are experi\u00adencing a crisis of moderni\u00adsation. Funda\u00admental changes are taking place at an especially rapid pace: economic global\u00adi\u00adsation with mounting perfor\u00admance pressure; the digital revolution with its massive changes for the working and living environment; global migration accom\u00adpanied by cultural and social conflicts; and even the change in gender relations, the political dimension of which we underestimate.<\/p>\n

These changes have created a basic sense of insecurity in much of our society. The impression that prosperity and security have become precarious has been aggra\u00advated by three highly symbolic events: 9\/\u200b11, the attack on the World Trade Center in New York; the financial crisis of 2008, which still has not been resolved; and the great refugee movement of 2015\u20132016. All three have strengthened the basic sense of losing control.<\/p>\n

It\u2019s not that people are dramat\u00adi\u00adcally worse off than they were in the past. This is indeed the case for sections of the working class, but not in Germany. It\u2019s about a negative antic\u00adi\u00adpation of the future \u2013 looking to the future with fear as opposed to confidence.<\/p>\n

What guiding principle can give confi\u00addence in these troubled times? In author\u00adi\u00adtarian states, as in anti-liberal movements, this role is played by nation\u00adalism. Free, liberal societies are charac\u00adterised by a high degree of individ\u00adu\u00adal\u00adi\u00adsation and thus fragmen\u00adtation. What is the unifying element in liberal societies that can offer this type of confidence?<\/strong><\/p>\n

This is a familiar refrain in the debate on modernity. German philosopher and sociol\u00adogist Helmuth Plessner identified this basic conflict in his 1924 book Grenzen der Gemein\u00adschaft. Eine Kritik des sozialen Radikalismus (The Limits of Community: A Critique of Social Radicalism)<\/em>. He describes the conflict between a liberal society with progressive individ\u00adu\u00adal\u00adi\u00adsation, increasing cultural diversity and the disso\u00adlution of all tradi\u00adtional ties, and radical community movements from the left and the right in the form of communism and a radicalised ethnic nation\u00adalism. The \u2018Volks\u00adge\u00admein\u00adschaft<\/em>\u2019 (ethnic community) is the alter\u00adnative to the liberal-individ\u00adu\u00adal\u00adistic society.<\/p>\n

Human beings need connection, the feeling of not being left alone in the storms of change that are raging around us<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

We can only defend the basic ideas of liber\u00adalism \u2013 individual freedom, pluralism, cultural diversity and cosmopoli\u00adtanism \u2013 if we find answers to the basic need for security, community, and belonging. Human beings need connection, the feeling of not being left alone in the storms of change that are raging around us \u2013 we have to take that seriously!<\/p>\n

The crucial question then is how to define cohesion, and how to do this in a non-exclusive way: not ethnic, like the Volks\u00adge\u00admein\u00adschaft<\/em>, or religious, like Islamism; not as class solidarity, as in communism, but rather in a repub\u00adlican sense. A political community of free citizens who share common values and beliefs and stand in solidarity with one another, that is the answer.<\/p>\n

Has the postmodern Left not pursued its own identity politics instead of strength\u00adening such a sense of repub\u00adlican commonality?<\/strong><\/p>\n

The Left\u2019s identity politics was a trap. The politi\u00adci\u00adsation of identity issues such as gender and ethnic, cultural or religious affil\u00adi\u00adation contributed to this populist counter-attack. We now have a white majority society which is reclaiming and defending its identity. Therefore, rather than deriving politics from group identities, we now need to focus on a repub\u00adlican under\u00adstanding of democracy with equal rights and equal oppor\u00adtu\u00adnities for all.<\/p>\n

In Germany, the term \u2018Heimat<\/em>\u2019 (\u2018Homeland\u2019, a place of belonging) is discussed in this context, and the federal government plans to establish a <\/strong>\u2018homeland ministry\u2019<\/strong><\/a>. Is that the answer?<\/strong><\/p>\n

The grand coalition has already grasped that in times such as these, in which bound\u00adaries are being eroded, there is a need for belonging and attachment. But of course you can\u2019t meet that need with a homeland ministry. As outgoing German Interior Minister de Maizi\u00e8re correctly empha\u00adsised, home isn\u2019t a state respon\u00adsi\u00adbility; it belongs in the sphere of civil society.<\/p>\n

Never\u00adtheless, it\u2019s right to challenge the right-wing populists over the concept of homeland. But in order to do so, you have to spell out alter\u00adnative defin\u00adi\u00adtions. My home is a place where I am recog\u00adnised and respected. It needs to be open to newcomers who want to shape their lives in community with others.<\/p>\n

What is the role of the European Union when it comes to homeland?<\/strong><\/p>\n

I believe that for younger people, the Erasmus gener\u00adation, Europe is already part of their self-image. We never have just one identity, but are at the same time European, German, French or Italian, with our whole history, culture, and language. We also come from particular regions with their own landscapes, histories, and dialects. These are multiple identities with many possible points of connec\u00adtivity. Europe gives us another layer of political affiliation.<\/p>\n

But Europe can feel a long way away, and this perhaps reinforces the impression of losing control. <\/strong><\/p>\n

This is primarily the case when Europe is described as a central state. Then the backlash is triggered. The European central state is an elite project. The educa\u00adtional and economic elites can move wonder\u00adfully within such a post-national Europe, but the majority of the population feels that the disso\u00adlution of nation states takes away oppor\u00adtu\u00adnities for partic\u00adi\u00adpation. Politics moves further away from them; it becomes even more anonymous and bureaucratic.<\/p>\n

We have to get away from the false dichotomy of a Europe of nation states or the United States of Europe.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

That\u2019s why we need to rethink Europe. We have to get away from the false dichotomy of a Europe of nation states or the United States of Europe. Europe must be thought of much more as a political network, with common normative founda\u00adtions and insti\u00adtu\u00adtions. More Europe does not always mean a greater levelling of differ\u00adences, but unity in diversity.<\/p>\n

Does the grand coalition\u2019s new coalition agreement provide the answer to these funda\u00admental changes and challenges?<\/strong><\/p>\n

There\u2019s no need to tear it up out of hand; it does all sorts of things right. But if you read the fine print, then you realise that it\u2019s based upon the status quo. The grand coalition is trying to somehow get a handle on the various problems by throwing money around. There\u2019s not a lot of \u2018future\u2019 in the agreement.<\/p>\n

For example, there are no struc\u00adtural reforms in funda\u00admental fields such as pensions, healthcare, or the green renewal of the economy. This is one of the biggest disap\u00adpoint\u00adments for me. The idea that ecology is an oppor\u00adtunity for indus\u00adtrial moderni\u00adsation and economic viability has completely dropped off the agenda. We have regressed to where we were ten years ago. At present, the Greens are the only party in the German federal political landscape that even comes close to having such a future-oriented discussion.<\/p>\n

And what about foreign policy? As you have already mentioned, attacks from outside \u2013 from countries such as Russia \u2013 also pose a real challenge to liberal democracies.<\/strong><\/p>\n

The foreign policy section of the coalition agreement is a refusal to face up to reality. There is little reference to the geopo\u00adlitical challenges facing the European Union today. Basically, it\u2019s still the old idea that all conflicts can be solved with money and the right words. It doesn\u2019t face up to the conflict with author\u00adi\u00adtarian powers such as Russia, while the question of dealings with China is given little serious consid\u00ader\u00adation. It lacks both self-confi\u00addence and an awareness of the European Union\u2019s own power. Europe mustn\u2019t only take care of economic relations and devel\u00adopment aid; it also needs to think about security policy in the classical sense. This includes acting as an insti\u00adtution that is conscious of its own power. We are still quite a long way from that.<\/p>\n

We had outsourced the confident, power-conscious role to the Americans, but they are now withdrawing from that.<\/strong><\/p>\n

This schiz\u00ado\u00adphrenia has always been there. On the one hand we were happy about the Americans with their hard power, and at the same time we criti\u00adcised them for militarism. However, this division into hard and soft power is also visible in Europe. Up to now, France and the United Kingdom have been respon\u00adsible for hard power. Germany doesn\u2019t feel that its respon\u00adsi\u00adbility lies there, which is why we also have an army that is not opera\u00adtional. The German submarine fleet, for example, is made up of six submarines: not a single one is opera\u00adtional. The same applies to the Air Force.<\/p>\n

In this context, we must also raise the question of the Europeani\u00adsation of defence. Common European defence is a real goal, but it should not be an excuse. We like to talk about the Europeani\u00adsation of defence to avoid discussing Germany\u2019s own security responsibility.<\/p>\n

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On 27 March 2018, this interview was published at the European Green Journal<\/a> in German and English.<\/p>\n

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