{"id":38204,"date":"2020-06-17T11:03:58","date_gmt":"2020-06-17T09:03:58","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/libmod.de\/?p=38204"},"modified":"2020-07-03T14:23:25","modified_gmt":"2020-07-03T12:23:25","slug":"german-russian-digital-civil-society-talks","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/german-russian-digital-civil-society-talks\/","title":{"rendered":"German-Russian Digital Civil Society Talks"},"content":{"rendered":"

The Russian Government is trying to get access to the internet \u2013 perhaps the most important refuge for freedom of speech. Cyber\u00adspace is increas\u00adingly restricted through state censorship: state pressure on internet service providers is increasing, controls over content are tight\u00adening and new ways to maintain extensive network surveil\u00adlance keep being developed. LibMod and the Sakharov Center are bringing internet activists from Russia and Germany together to discuss what should be done to help keep the internet a space where free thinking is possible. The project \u201cGerman-Russian Digital Civil Society Talks<\/a>\u201d is funded by Germany\u2019s Federal Foreign Office<\/a>.<\/h3>\n

In Germany, many think of the Internet as a recruiting ground for extremists; in Russia, it is seen as one of the last places where democrats can speak freely. While Germany\u2019s Government strives to stem the flood of hate online, the Kremlin has begun to detach the internet within its domain from the rest of the world wide web.<\/p>\n

The cyber-policy debates in the two countries are shaped by these very different situa\u00adtions, as was very apparent at a symposium held in Moscow on 24 October 2019 by the Center for Liberal Modernity and the Sakharov Center.<\/p>\n

Experts and activists from Russia and Germany debated issues like regulation of the internet, hate speech, copyright and the chances and challenges for civil society on the web.<\/p>\n

Internet censorship has long been a reality in Russia. The state can easily restrict internet activ\u00adities because its legal status is the same as that of other of forms of telecom\u00admu\u00adni\u00adcation, as Alexander Isavnin from Roskomsvoboda, perhaps Russia\u2019s most prominent group of internet activists, explained.<\/p>\n

Russian partic\u00adi\u00adpants against regulation<\/h5>\n

Russian ISPs have been required by law to record and store all commu\u00adni\u00adcated content and connection data trans\u00admitted through their servers since 2018. The number of websites blocked in Russia rises contin\u00adually; Roskomsvoboda<\/a> placed the total at more than 294,000 in late October. Along with child-pornog\u00adraphy sites and sites posting instruc\u00adtions for terrorists, the blacklist contains numerous political sites, such as kasparov.ru and Ukrainian news websites.<\/p>\n

Isavnin called for efforts to preserve the freedom of the web. Internet companies like Google and Facebook should comply with inter\u00adna\u00adtional standards, but kindly refrain from doing so with respect to national legis\u00adlation like that of Russia, for instance.<\/p>\n

This elicited protest from J\u00f6rn Pohl, cyber and internet policy expert on the staff of Konstantin von Notz, Member of the Bundestag for the Green Party. Pohl sees a clear need for the national regulation of internet giants. As an example, he noted Germany has a good reason for the prohi\u00adbition of the display of swastikas. After years of stalling on Facebook\u2019s part, the California-based company has finally agreed to create hundreds of jobs in Berlin to ensure that content flagged as illegal is genuinely subject to review in a notice and action procedure, as required by German law, and is in fact always deleted when this is called for in clear, lawful regulations.<\/p>\n

Non-trans\u00adparent removal-of-content procedures<\/h5>\n

Among other things, Pohl mentioned the infor\u00admation wars currently being waged \u201cwith bots, trolls and hackers on the web\u201d. \u201cInter\u00adna\u00adtionally, people are increas\u00adingly coming to accept that more lawful regulation is urgently needed,\u201d he said. As a case in point, he cited the EU\u2019s recently adopted data protection rules, which are seen as the gold standard in the USA and Israel and being copied there. Good regulation both protects the funda\u00admental rights of users and provides the legal certainty that tech companies need.<\/p>\n

Isavnin countered this by noting that Russian politi\u00adcians are fond of pointing to Germany when justi\u00adfying their most recent restric\u00adtions. The Russian parliament is currently consid\u00adering draft legis\u00adlation modelled on Germany\u2019s Network Enforcement Act (NetzDG): adopted by the Bundestag in 2017, this statute requires social network operators to delete hate speech and false reports. However, the Russian version of the legis\u00adlation does not require removal-of-content proce\u00addures to be transparent.<\/p>\n

Miro Dittrich, from the Amadeo Antonio Foundation, described the Network Enforcement Act as necessary to ensure that activ\u00adities that are illegal offline continue to be illegal online as well. He pointed to the genocide of the Rohingya in Myanmar, which was largely organised via Facebook, as a relevant case. \u201cThere are limits, points at which inter\u00adference is imperative.\u201d<\/p>\n

Dittrich argued that moder\u00adation fosters freedom of speech in this context by enabling people to express themselves freely without having to fear that they will become a target for abuse. Imple\u00admen\u00adtation is the tricky part, in his view, because content moder\u00adators are often poorly trained and a lot of content is removed unnecessarily.<\/p>\n

Abuse of copyright<\/h5>\n

A call to place less reliance on moder\u00adation to achieve this end came from Julia Kr\u00fcger from netzpolitik.org. She advocated better ranking of good content and taking action against echo chambers in which users become radicalised. \u201cThere are 1,000 different ways to do this\u201d, she said.<\/p>\n

Several partic\u00adi\u00adpants spoke of the frequent misuse of copyright complaints as a way of suppressing infor\u00admation. For instance, it was pointed out that German media has been hesitant to publish state documents since the defence ministry sued WAZ, a daily based in Essen, for copyright infringement for publishing papers on the Bundeswehr\u2019s deployment in Afghanistan. For this reason, according to Johannes Filter from the initiative Fragdenstaat.de, copyright law, which origi\u00adnated largely in the 19th<\/u> century, should not apply to government documents.<\/p>\n

Here again, it was the Russian partic\u00adi\u00adpants who argued for less regulation. Isavnin pointed out that the once pervasive problem of piracy of films and music had become far less dramatic, as artists and rights holders could better cater to user demand, e.g. through streaming portals.<\/p>\n

Cyber expert Pohl objected again: \u201cThe notion that every\u00adthing should be free because there is always some way one can get around restric\u00adtions is unsound from a rule of law perspective\u201d. Pohl expressed under\u00adstanding for the urge to circumvent blocks, given the problematic nature of the relevant legis\u00adlation in terms of the rule of law, but argued that activists should use their scanty resources by joining forces to get the relevant legis\u00adlation changed and keep access to knowledge freely available.<\/p>\n

How can democ\u00adratic values be preserved in the digital world?<\/h5>\n

One step might be the intro\u00adduction of a flat-rate levy on cultural content, which could render the prose\u00adcution of users for copyright infringement largely obsolete while guaran\u00adteeing fair compen\u00adsation to creatives.<\/p>\n

Finally, the debate focussed on how one could keep up the same values in two entirely different systems. LibMod\u2019s managing director Ralf F\u00fccks noted at the start of the symposium that the internet is a very important forum for civil society due to the increasing \u201ccoordi\u00adnation\u201d (Gleich\u00adschaltung<\/em>) of the classic media. In Germany, by contrast, the emphasis is on regulation \u2013 as a way of binding inter\u00adna\u00adtional corpo\u00adra\u00adtions to standards and containing the \u201cbrutal\u00adi\u00adsation of commu\u00adni\u00adcation\u201d. It is clear, as F\u00fccks empha\u00adsized, that our rules \u201cmust not open the door for author\u00adi\u00adtarian regimes to cite the example of democ\u00adratic countries to legit\u00adimise their efforts to muzzle the internet in their own countries.\u201d<\/p>\n

It may be a long time before the debates in Russia and Germany become more similar. Until then, there remains the hope that lax imple\u00admen\u00adtation will allow civil society to circumvent the restrictive Russian legis\u00adlation. This symposium made it vividly clear that both sides have much to learn from an exchange on their differing approaches to these issues.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The Russian Government is trying to get access to the internet \u2013 perhaps the most important refuge for freedom of speech. Cyber\u00adspace is increas\u00adingly restricted through state censorship: state pressure...<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":10,"featured_media":34273,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"wp_typography_post_enhancements_disabled":false,"mc4wp_mailchimp_campaign":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[1894],"tags":[2987,11704],"class_list":["post-38204","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-uncategorized","tag-current","tag-europes-east"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nGerman-Russian Digital Civil Society Talks - libmod.de - Zentrum Liberale Moderne<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"The Russian Government is trying to get access to the internet \u2013 perhaps the most important refuge for freedom of speech. 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