{"id":38734,"date":"2020-07-13T11:54:05","date_gmt":"2020-07-13T09:54:05","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/libmod.de\/?p=38734"},"modified":"2020-07-13T14:34:28","modified_gmt":"2020-07-13T12:34:28","slug":"ukrainian-expectations-for-the-german-presidency-of-the-council-of-the-eu","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/ukrainian-expectations-for-the-german-presidency-of-the-council-of-the-eu\/","title":{"rendered":"Ukrainian expec\u00adta\u00adtions for the German presi\u00addency of the Council of the EU"},"content":{"rendered":"
Foto: Yannick-Morelli\/ shutterstock.com<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

As part of our project \u201cEastern Part\u00adner\u00adship 2.0\u201d we publish a series of arti\u00adcles about the three EU asso\u00adci\u00ada\u00adtion states (Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova). Three authors from the region (Paata Gaprindashvili, Mariam Tsitsikashvili, Hennadiy Maksak, Angela Gramada) analyse the expec\u00adta\u00adtions for the German Council Presi\u00addency as to the future shape of the Eastern Partnership from the perspective of civil society.<\/h3>\n

<\/p>\n

By Hennadiy Maksak<\/em><\/p>\n

The European Union is Ukraine\u2019s biggest strategic partner in terms of financial assis\u00adtance, support for reforms and economic cooper\u00adation. In both political and economic terms, the level of EU assis\u00adtance to Ukraine helps our state to survive and boost its resilience. Just to mention one example, the recent EU support package to fight COVID-19 for the Eastern Partnership partner states has been very valuable and timely.<\/p>\n

Kyiv relies heavily on European support, both in advancing its reform agenda and in fighting Russian aggression. Despite a very compli\u00adcated track towards prospective EU membership for Ukraine, the level of political support provided by the EU to our state has been unprece\u00addented, with respect both to Ukrainian public author\u00adities and to civil society.<\/p>\n

Now, with Germany assuming the presi\u00addency of the Council of the EU for the second half of 2020, all eyes are fixed on the prior\u00adities official Berlin has chosen for this period.<\/p>\n

First and foremost, we must point out that the German government has been very active in promoting progress along a Europe-oriented reform in Ukraine, especially since the Revolution of Dignity. It has provided far-reaching financial assis\u00adtance and advising in relation to sectoral alignment with the EU norms and standards.<\/p>\n

Many public and nongovern\u00admental organi\u00adza\u00adtions from Germany have launched projects aimed at raising public awareness and capacity building in areas related to imple\u00admen\u00adtation of the Ukraine-EU Associ\u00adation Agreement. The German public agency GIZ has been highly instru\u00admental in coordi\u00adnating EU financial assis\u00adtance in Ukraine.<\/p>\n

The upcoming German presi\u00addency of the EU Council has been literally shaped by the recent geopo\u00adlitical shifts and COVID-19 related crises requiring urgent responses from the European Union. Clearly, the prior\u00adities identified by senior German officials for Germany\u2019s presi\u00addency in the second half of 2020 have been strongly influ\u00adenced by pressing issues such as the need to overcome the economic and social conse\u00adquences of the coron\u00adavirus crisis, to broker and conclude a new agreement with the Great Britain and to recon\u00adsider relations both with the USA and China.<\/p>\n

Still, Ukraine attaches great impor\u00adtance to Germany\u2019s plans for its presi\u00addency with respect to boosting the EU\u2019s resilience and security by making the it greener and more digitalised. During recent talks with EU and German officials, Ukrainian author\u00adities confirmed their interest in cooper\u00adating on the European Green Deal and a compre\u00adhensive digital agenda. And the list of other sectoral areas of mutual interest is a long one.<\/p>\n

Furthermore, both Ukrainian author\u00adities and Ukrainian society are looking to German to maintain a firm stance on continuing the regime of sanctions against Russia until Ukrainian terri\u00adtorial integrity and sover\u00adeignty has been restored. The security component was one of the top issues during a number of high-level bilateral Ukrainian-German meetings held in the first half of 2020. And the fact that the programme for Germany\u2019s presi\u00addency of the Council of the European Union envisages efforts to find a solution to the inter\u00adna\u00adtional conflict in the Eastern Ukraine is a positive sign.<\/p>\n

Unfor\u00adtu\u00adnately, it appears that the Eastern Partnership, as multi\u00adlateral archi\u00adtecture, is no longer a prime focus for Germany, but has shifted to the side-lines of political attention. Even in media releases that refer to the external prior\u00adities of the presi\u00addency, let alone in the program for the presi\u00addency itself, it is easier to find refer\u00adences to Asia and Africa than to Eastern Europe and South Caucasus.<\/p>\n

While the Croatian presi\u00addency was overwhelmed with EaP-related events, Germany appears quite reluctant to continue the pace it set. Two high-level Eastern Partnership events were held in online formats in June of 2020. And a fully-fledged physical EaP summit has been postponed till spring 2021, leaving Berlin with some important but rather technical activ\u00adities in prepa\u00adration for the meeting next year.<\/p>\n

Moreover, one can hardly say that Germany envisages a policy specif\u00adi\u00adcally for the associated countries (Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine) within the framework of the Eastern Partnership.<\/p>\n

Although the EaP Summit Decla\u00adration in 2017 made mention of an informal dialogue for the three states with associ\u00adation agree\u00adments, this option was not very well developed in terms of structure or content. And while the Associ\u00adation Agree\u00adments and Deep and Compre\u00adhensive Free Trade Areas were recog\u00adnised as very important milestones of the Eastern Partnership in the context of the 10-year anniversary in May 2019, there is still no clear cut under\u00adstanding on the EU\u2019s side as to how to move forward from there with this club of three partner states that have made more progress.<\/p>\n

The same approach, or lack of one, can be seen in the document \u201c20 EaP Deliv\u00ader\u00adables for 2020\u201d, which offers no clear framework for differ\u00aden\u00adti\u00adating among the 6 partner states, while containing a strik\u00adingly varied range of bilateral commitments.<\/p>\n

Up to now, Germany has not been noticed in the camp of propo\u00adnents of the so-called \u201cEastern Partnership +\u201d. This initiative calls for greater attention to Ukraine, Moldova and Ukraine vis-\u00e0-vis a more ambitious political agenda and deeper sectoral integration in the EU market. EaP + has been strongly advocated by the European Parliament, by national govern\u00adments and civil society in Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova.<\/p>\n

But there is still reluc\u00adtance to admit a two-speed approach towards EaP partner states in the European Commission, in EEAS, and in the capitals of some EU member states, including Berlin. The fear is that less-integrated states (Azerbaijan, Armenia and Belarus) would \u201cbe lost in the dust\u201d of front-runners.<\/p>\n

Of course, this view is disheart\u00adening for Ukraine, one of the leading partners in imple\u00admenting its Associ\u00adation Agreement and 20 EaP deliv\u00ader\u00adables. In political terms, the loss of motivation is manifest in Ukraine\u2019s attempt to publicly separate the Eastern Partnership as multi\u00adlateral track and bilateral Ukraine-EU cooper\u00adation. In Ukrainian public discourse, one seldom encounters a reference to the Eastern Partnership as the policy encom\u00adpassing elements like the Ukraine-EU Associ\u00adation Agreement, DCFTA or the visa-free regime. Political decla\u00adra\u00adtions emerging from Ukraine-EU bilateral summits have more substantive content than those from the EaP high-level meetings.<\/p>\n

However, Germany could take further steps to crystallize a new framework for merit- and value-based relations with the EaP partners that have made the most progress.<\/p>\n

First and furthermost, the time is ripe for the EU to align its approaches towards the Western Balkans and Eastern Partnership states. It is no secret that the associated states and Western Balkans states might be easily compared in terms of their progress towards fulfilling criteria for membership and activity in the area of aligning with EU legis\u00adlation. In these circum\u00adstances, the continued appli\u00adcation of two different policy approaches towards these regions may give rise to a feeling of being the victim of discrim\u00adi\u00adnation in three EaP partner states. Berlin could propose to adjust progress assessment method\u00adologies as a practical step to enable the appli\u00adcation of the \u201cmore for more\u201d principle. This could be a task set for the EU Council presi\u00addency trio of Germany, Portugal and Slovenia in 2020\u20132021.<\/p>\n

Another step that Germany could undertake in the Eastern Partnership would be to propose more areas of deep sectoral integration with the EU for Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova. These might include alignment in the digital domain, and in the customs, energy and security areas. In some fields, Ukraine may serve as a success story (for instance, if Ukrainian author\u00adities succeed in joining the ACAA).<\/p>\n

Of course, German diplomats need to pay greater attention to the prepa\u00adration of a new programme document to replace the EU\u2019s current Eastern Partnership \u201croad map\u201d, the \u201c20 Deliv\u00ader\u00adables for 2020\u201d. New prior\u00adities could be added for a 5\u20137 year period. This new document should be stricter and more binding with respect to fulfilling commit\u00adments in the \u201cpolitical part\u201d of the programme (rule of law, anti- corruption, free and fair judiciary, positive human rights record). All other sectoral cooper\u00adation should be condi\u00adtional to progress in these domains; in this way, a selective approach, such as that seen with respect to the current document, could be avoided.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Hennadiy Maksak, <\/em><\/p>\n

Executive Director of the Foreign Policy Council \u201cUkrainian Prism\u201d, <\/em><\/p>\n

Chairman of the Civic Council under the MFA of Ukraine, <\/em><\/p>\n

in 2016\u20132019 Coordi\u00adnator of the Ukrainian National Platform of the Eastern Partnership Civil Society Forum.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

As part of our project \u201cEastern Part\u00adner\u00adship 2.0\u201d we publish a series of arti\u00adcles about the three EU asso\u00adci\u00ada\u00adtion states (Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova). Three authors from the region (Paata Gaprindashvili, Mariam...<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":10,"featured_media":38714,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"wp_typography_post_enhancements_disabled":false,"mc4wp_mailchimp_campaign":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[1894],"tags":[14284,14285],"class_list":["post-38734","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-uncategorized","tag-oestliche-parnerschaft","tag-oestliche-partnerschaft-2-0-en"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nUkrainian expectations for the German presidency of the Council of the EU - libmod.de - Zentrum Liberale Moderne<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"As part of our project \u201cEastern Part\u00adner\u00adship 2.0\u201d we publish a series of arti\u00adcles about the three EU asso\u00adci\u00ada\u00adtion states (Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova).\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/ukrainian-expectations-for-the-german-presidency-of-the-council-of-the-eu\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Ukrainian expectations for the German presidency of the Council of the EU\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"As part of our project \u201cEastern Part\u00adner\u00adship 2.0\u201d we publish a series of arti\u00adcles about the three EU asso\u00adci\u00ada\u00adtion states (Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova).\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/ukrainian-expectations-for-the-german-presidency-of-the-council-of-the-eu\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"libmod.de - 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