{"id":38736,"date":"2020-07-13T11:55:20","date_gmt":"2020-07-13T09:55:20","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/libmod.de\/?p=38736"},"modified":"2020-07-13T14:34:10","modified_gmt":"2020-07-13T12:34:10","slug":"the-expectations-for-the-german-council-presidency-as-to-the-future-shape-of-the-eastern-partnership-from-the-perspective-of-civil-society-the-case-of-the-republic-of-moldova","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/the-expectations-for-the-german-council-presidency-as-to-the-future-shape-of-the-eastern-partnership-from-the-perspective-of-civil-society-the-case-of-the-republic-of-moldova\/","title":{"rendered":"The expec\u00adta\u00adtions for the German Council Presi\u00addency as to the future shape of the Eastern Partnership from the perspective of civil society. The case of the Republic of&nbsp;Moldova"},"content":{"rendered":"<figure id=\"attachment_38724\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-38724\" style=\"width: 1200px\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\"><img class=\"size-full wp-image-38724\" src=\"https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20240905144546\/moldau_Wirestock-Images_heder.jpg\" alt width=\"1200\" height=\"500\" srcset=\"https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20240905144546\/moldau_Wirestock-Images_heder.jpg 1200w, https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20240905144546\/moldau_Wirestock-Images_heder-770x321.jpg 770w, https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20240905144546\/moldau_Wirestock-Images_heder-768x320.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\"><figcaption id=\"caption-attachment-38724\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Foto: Wirestock Images \/\u200b shutterstock.com<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<h3>As part of our project \u201cEastern Part\u00adner\u00adship 2.0\u201d we publish a&nbsp;series of arti\u00adcles about the three EU asso\u00adci\u00ada\u00adtion states (Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova). Three authors from the region (Paata Gaprindashvili, Mariam Tsitsikashvili, Hennadiy Maksak, Angela Gramada) analyse the expec\u00adta\u00adtions for the German Council Presi\u00addency as to the future shape of the Eastern Partnership from the perspective of civil&nbsp;society.<\/h3>\n<p><!--more--><\/p>\n<p><em>By Angela&nbsp;Gramada<\/em><\/p>\n<p>In its current form, the program for Germany\u2019s Presi\u00addency of the EU Council is substan\u00adtially different from what was envisaged in the initial planning. The final plan focuses on the specific goal and priority of overcoming the crises caused by COVID-19 pandemic. Germany, with an economy less affected by Covid-19 than those of many other European countries, will have to promote a&nbsp;foreign policy that can support the appli\u00adcation at the EU level of the principle of solidarity and democ\u00adratic principles, while gener\u00adating the necessary cohesion, and support for the view that the European policies and projects being promoted are feasible and will yield common benefits across EU&nbsp;borders.<\/p>\n<p>Security, public safety, and socio-economic cohesion are the key prior\u00adities for the German EU Presi\u00addency in the next six months. These prior\u00adities are cross-cutting elements in the German program, and in the coming months we will see how the process through which these prior\u00adities are placed in relation to one another and imple\u00admented unfolds, not only within the European Union but also beyond its&nbsp;borders.<\/p>\n<p>Speaking of borders, the non-EU partners expect these prior\u00adities to be imple\u00admented in Eastern Europe as well, including the appli\u00adcation of the concept of civilian security as part of the discus\u00adsions on European security. At issue are questions like how this concept can be integrated intoac\u00adtions taken to increase the resilience of public insti\u00adtu\u00adtions, into socio-economic reforms and efforts to make political discourses accountable, and into the strategy for coping with the pandemic; how the states can address this issue in their inter\u00adac\u00adtions with unrec\u00adog\u00adnized regimes in areas for which consti\u00adtu\u00adtional author\u00adities do not have access to data and no means ofpro\u00adviding support to their citizens. No conver\u00adsation about a&nbsp;strategy to mitigate the impacts of various risks and challenges can be productive without an under\u00adstanding of the specific situation of each dialogue partner. In the document \u201cEastern Partnership. 20 Deliv\u00ader\u00adables for 2020: Bringing tangible results for citizens\u201d this concept of civilian security is found in several prior\u00adities (rule of law, reforms, security). It must continue to be supported, even though it is an extremely technical issuerequiring sustained and immediate action. Overcoming the pandemic, as a&nbsp;priority issue, passes from Croatia to Germany presi\u00addency. This means that more attention must be paid to this&nbsp;area.<\/p>\n<p>The \u201cpandemic\u201d issue must also be addressed from the perspective ofthe other prior\u00adities that Germany has set for itsEU Council presi\u00addency: climate change and digital\u00adization. De facto, climate change and digital\u00adi\u00adsation are constant elements inGer\u00admany\u2019s foreign policy, which promotesboth issues at the European and global level. These issuestake on even greater strategic impor\u00adtance in the context of a&nbsp;pandemic. Progress in these areas is accom\u00adpanied by increased oppor\u00adtu\u00adnities to stimulate the economy, innovation and the safety of commercial transport, and helps create oppor\u00adtu\u00adnities to mitigate the negative impact and risks associated with epidemics or natural disasters, including that ofresuming the discus\u00adsions for granting macro-financial support to the Republic of&nbsp;Moldova.<\/p>\n<p>Returning, however, to Eastern Europe and the Republic of Moldova and to the primary need to achieve the objec\u00adtives of the program for Germany\u2019s presi\u00addency of the EU Council beyond the external borders of Europe, one can recom\u00admen\u00addac\u00adtions taken to extend the principles estab\u00adlished by Germany not only within the EU, but also in the relationship withnon-EU partners, with the aims&nbsp;of:<\/p>\n<p>- further encour\u00adaging public inter\u00adac\u00adtions and private partner\u00adships and joint projects, in which European experi\u00adences and innova\u00adtions or economic projects can be taken over under the legal framework generated by the Associ\u00adation Agree\u00adments and the&nbsp;DCFTA;<\/p>\n<p>- encour\u00adaging quali\u00adtative political debate as well as mecha\u00adnisms of cooper\u00adation in the next financial period (2021\u20132027) to enhance theef\u00adfec\u00adtive\u00adnessof the Eastern Partnership project, which will provide the necessary framework for imple\u00admentingini\u00adtia\u00adtives that areal\u00adready deliv\u00adering quali\u00adtative&nbsp;change;<\/p>\n<p>- supporting the evalu\u00adation and improvement of these mecha\u00adnisms at the forth\u00adcoming Eastern Partnership summit (planned for March 2021), without neglecting the impor\u00adtance of the rule of law, good gover\u00adnance, economic reforms or the multi\u00adlateral cooper\u00adation in areas such as the economy, energy, and&nbsp;security;<\/p>\n<p>- avoiding an exclusive focus on mapping issues and challenges, but instead coming equipped with solutions and recom\u00admen\u00adda\u00adtions for a&nbsp;sustained, continuous and effective dialogue on common or specific issues facing Eastern European actors that also affect the content of public security policies in neigh\u00adboring&nbsp;states.<\/p>\n<p>Germany is perceived in the Republic of Moldova as a&nbsp;state with a&nbsp;strong potential to influence political decision-making and the allocation of financial support to various projects. At the level of public opinion, expec\u00adta\u00adtions are high due to the fact that the debates on the strategic approach tothe future of the Eastern Partnership coincide or overlap with the agenda of the German Presi\u00addency of the EU Council, although these are, at the same time, subject to careful scrutiny. The caution is fuelled by the way Berlin\u2019s relationship with Moscow is evolving, but also by the dialogue between different European partners on foreign policy issues, prior\u00adities and objec\u00adtives, how integrated they are and how they might be turned into opportunities.<\/p>\n<p>In recent months, the EU has shown that there is a&nbsp;need for solidarity, involvement and cohesion in promoting common interests. Even actors who had previ\u00adously denied this have found the necessary support within the EU. The Republic of Moldova was no exception. Casting doubt on the credi\u00adbility of the project of building a&nbsp;united Europe is still a&nbsp;tactic used by political actors exploring populism as a&nbsp;way to impose themselves in the domestic political debate. To reduce the impact of this at the local level, which has the potential for regional expansion, the EU itself needs to be more respon\u00adsible, more versatile and faster in responding to challenges, in identi\u00adfying solutions.Therein lies the diffi\u00adculty of Germany\u2019s mission: to offer a&nbsp;tailor-made solution for every&nbsp;challenge.<\/p>\n<p>In the Republic of Moldova, the credi\u00adbility of the European project has seen some ups and downs, and is perceived differ\u00adently in the context of electoral periods or other current challenges. One question of impor\u00adtance here is who speaks on behalf of the EU to the Republic of Moldova, what is the status of this actor and what message is commu\u00adni\u00adcated to the partners. The citizens of the Republic of Moldova expect the German presi\u00addency of the EU Council to take a&nbsp;firm stance onthe need to move forward with the imple\u00admen\u00adtation of economic reforms, concern\u00adsre\u00adgard\u00adingjustice and judicial reform, the emphasis on security and the settlement of regional conflicts. Politi\u00adcians are guided by other interests, and seek to find inter\u00adme\u00addi\u00adaries that can help them meettheir own goals. Germany must avoid being identified too strongly with Moldovan political actors. This is the only way to have a&nbsp;long-term impact rather than be merely a&nbsp;series of minor temporary&nbsp;successes.<\/p>\n<p>Any European project or policy undergoes periods of success and regression. This is only natural given that the environment in which they are imple\u00admented is so volatile. When speaking of the Eastern Partnership, we must not forget the context in which this project was launched, i.e. immedi\u00adately after the Russo-Georgian war in August 2008.Nor should we forget that most EaP member countries face security dilemmas, which amplify social and economic problems. The European Neigh\u00adbourhood Policy is not a&nbsp;panacea able to resolve all the dilemmas of the states involved in it, but rather a&nbsp;set of strategies and measures capable of mitigating the negative impact produced by a&nbsp;particular national objective or regional context, depending on the issue addressed by this policy.In the associated countries, stability, democracy and rule of law are pillars which may collapse in the absence of a&nbsp;sustained\u00adin\u00adternal will to achieve objec\u00adtives and well-defined national interests.These pillars must be supported.Only then can the European Neigh\u00adbourhood Policy argue that it is able to support the achievement of the EU\u2019s foreign policy objec\u00adtives effectively.<\/p>\n<p><em>Angela Gramada is President at Experts for Security and Global Affairs Association.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>As part of our project \u201cEastern Part\u00adner\u00adship 2.0\u201d we publish a&nbsp;series of arti\u00adcles about the three EU asso\u00adci\u00ada\u00adtion states (Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova). Three authors from the region (Paata Gaprindashvili, Mariam...<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":10,"featured_media":38723,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"wp_typography_post_enhancements_disabled":false,"mc4wp_mailchimp_campaign":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[1894],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-38736","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-uncategorized"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v27.6 (Yoast SEO v27.6) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>The expectations for the German Council Presidency as to the future shape of the Eastern Partnership from the perspective of civil society. 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