{"id":38739,"date":"2020-07-13T11:56:06","date_gmt":"2020-07-13T09:56:06","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/libmod.de\/?p=38739"},"modified":"2020-07-13T14:33:33","modified_gmt":"2020-07-13T12:33:33","slug":"a-need-for-credible-eu-strategy-for-the-eastern-partnership","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/a-need-for-credible-eu-strategy-for-the-eastern-partnership\/","title":{"rendered":"A Need for Credible EU Strategy for the Eastern Partnership"},"content":{"rendered":"
Foto: Alvydas Kucas \/\u200b shutterstock.com<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

As part of our project \u201cEastern Part\u00adner\u00adship 2.0\u201d we publish a series of arti\u00adcles about the three EU asso\u00adci\u00ada\u00adtion states (Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova). Three authors from the region (Paata Gaprindashvili, Mariam Tsitsikashvili, Hennadiy Maksak, Angela Gramada) analyse the expec\u00adta\u00adtions for the German Council Presi\u00addency as to the future shape of the Eastern Partnership from the perspective of civil society.<\/h3>\n

By Paata Gaprindashvili & Mariam Tsitsikashvili<\/em><\/p>\n

Launched in 2009, the Eastern Partnership (EaP) has been instru\u00admental in bringing the EU and the six partner countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Republic of Moldova and Ukraine) closer together. Despite signif\u00adicant external and internal challenges along the road, thus far the policy has demon\u00adstrated its ability to promote greater stability, prosperity and resilience at the EU\u2019s eastern frontier.<\/p>\n

The partnership has sought to develop according to the interests, ambitions and progress of each partner, marked by Associ\u00adation Agree\u00adments (AA), including the Deep and Compre\u00adhensive Free Trade Areas (DCFTAs) as well as visa-free regimes with three partner countries (Georgia, Ukraine, Republic of Moldova \u2013 the EU Associated Trio) together with a Compre\u00adhensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement with Armenia and a tailor-made engagement with Azerbaijan and Belarus. The partnership has inclu\u00adsively delivered for all: EU-EaP trade has nearly doubled, turning the partner countries as a group into the EU\u2019s tenth largest trading partner, creating or sustaining more than 250,000 jobs and enabling over 125,000 SMEs to benefit directly from EU funding.[1]<\/a><\/p>\n

Crisis is the best test of friendship, and the EU has success\u00adfully passed this test by swiftly holding out a helping hand to its EaP partners during the coron\u00adavirus outbreak. The European Commission has mobilised an emergency support package for its EaP partners, comprising \u20ac80 million for immediate needs and up to \u20ac900 million in support for their short and medium term social and economic recovery.[2]<\/a><\/p>\n

The EaP will eventually play much more signif\u00adicant role for the EU polit\u00adi\u00adcally, econom\u00adi\u00adcally and in terms of security, perhaps even a greater role than that of the Western Balkans. The success of trans\u00adfor\u00admation and democ\u00adra\u00adti\u00adsation in the EaP can offer up a positive example for other countries in the wider Eurasian continent, not to mention the fact that the EaP is key to the EU\u2019s access to Central Asia.<\/p>\n

EU Joint Commu\u00adni\u00adcation \u2014 New long-term policy objectives?<\/strong><\/p>\n

On March 18, 2020 the European Commission and the High Repre\u00adsen\u00adtative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy put forward a proposal outlining new policy objec\u00adtives for the Eastern Partnership beyond 2020[3]<\/a> that was later supported by the Council\u2019s conclu\u00adsions.[4]<\/a> At a meeting of the Eastern Partnership leaders held on 19 June 2020, heads of the EU and EaP states endorsed a new long-term policy framework to guide the EaP\u2019s next decade. Both the joint commu\u00adni\u00adcation and the conclu\u00adsions maintain the focus on the fields of the economy, good gover\u00adnance and society, while envis\u00adaging greater support vis-\u00e0-vis ecological and digital transformations.<\/p>\n

While its prior\u00adities are very similar to those defined at the November 2017 EaP Summit, the new policy proposal outlines measures enabling a better response to the challenges in the area of gover\u00adnance. Notably, as the joint commu\u00adni\u00adcation stresses, the EU\u2019s financial assis\u00adtance for partners would be deter\u00admined by their progress in reforms strength\u00adening the rule of law.[5]<\/a> The EU also commits itself to devel\u00adoping more robust monitoring mecha\u00adnisms and verifiable bench\u00admarks for evalu\u00adating progress in the EaP. This incentive-based approach in conjunction with the increased oversight could substan\u00adtially boost the EaP\u2019s trans\u00adfor\u00admative power, something that the \u201c20 deliv\u00ader\u00adables for 2020\u201d found difficult to achieve in the field of the rule of law.<\/p>\n

Within the renewed agenda vis-\u00e0-vis economic cooper\u00adation, the EU is committing itself to support the efforts of partner countries to join the Single Euro Payment Area (SEPA), the benefits of which would include cheaper, safer and faster cross-border payments. More impor\u00adtantly, the new policy framework provides for the EU to step up its partnership with inter\u00adna\u00adtional financial insti\u00adtu\u00adtions even further and to develop an innov\u00adative and smart financing programme for the EaP countries. The EU\u2019s readiness to help partner countries safeguard macro\u00adeco\u00adnomic stability and incen\u00adtivise struc\u00adtural reforms through EU Macro-Financial Assis\u00adtance is yet another commitment that supports the EaP\u2019s aims in the economic domain.<\/p>\n

In the context of digital trans\u00adfor\u00admation, which is marked out as one of the policy prior\u00adities, the EU commits itself to the extension of secure and very high capacity Gigabit broadband infra\u00adstruc\u00adtures in the EaP area and to supporting intra-EaP roaming and spectrum agree\u00adments; however, still not embracing a roaming fees-free regime with them.<\/p>\n

Despite its claim to be \u201cnew\u201d, the proposed EaP policy framework contains little that can be regarded as genuinely novel: the only new initiative proposed relates to a \u201cdeal for youth\u201d, which includes, among other things, the creation of a mobility and exchange programme for young profes\u00adsionals from the EaP countries. Overall, the policy objec\u00adtives proposed lack a strategic and genuinely future-oriented vision that would make the EU-EaP cooper\u00adation and integration process a real priority in the context of the EU\u2019s own political, economic and security interests. In particular, the new policy framework falls short of supporting and promoting the process of deepening the partnership between the EU and three associated partners as well as among the Trio (Georgia, Ukraine, Republic of Moldova) and of taking this partnership to the next level.<\/p>\n

Treat the regions equally <\/strong><\/p>\n

Currently, the EU\u2019s Eastern Partnership does not foresee the accession of the partner countries to the Union. A month before publishing the new EaP policy framework, the Commission brought out a similar commu\u00adni\u00adcation regarding the Western Balkans,[6]<\/a> in which it acknowl\u00adedges the fact that a credible accession perspective is a key incentive and driver of democ\u00adratic trans\u00adfor\u00admation in the Western Balkans. Yet the EU continues to ignore the impor\u00adtance of such a perspective in the case of the EaP. The new EaP policy framework can and should facil\u00aditate a process of gradual integration into the EU with a renewed commitment by the partners to undertake further compre\u00adhensive reforms. Without a clearly defined strategic goal, the EU risks jeopar\u00addising even the progress already achieved in the EaP. In this context, it is the European perspective that can success\u00adfully act as a catalyst for full-fledged democ\u00adra\u00adti\u00adsation and further reforms in the EaP region, as the European Parliament acknowl\u00adedged in its latest recom\u00admen\u00addation to the Commission and the Council.[7]<\/a><\/p>\n

The major takeaway of the Eastern Partnership leaders\u2019 video conference on 18 June 2020 was the decision to hold a physical summit in March 2021 at which they will again endorse five policy prior\u00adities in a joint decla\u00adration. However, the decla\u00adration to be made at this summit should go beyond these prior\u00adities. The EU should define strong objec\u00adtives and identify milestones, as it did for the 2009\u20132017 period. These should provide for the continuous and effective imple\u00admen\u00adtation of the DCFTAs and compliance with legal, economic and technical regula\u00adtions and standards leading to the gradual opening of the EU single market and the estab\u00adlishment of a common economic space, as well as sectoral integration in key areas of common interest such as transport, digital\u00adi\u00adsation or the environment. The European Parliament\u2019s recent resolution encourages the use of such an approach, recom\u00admending that the EU should embark on a process of deeper economic cooper\u00adation between EaP countries and the EU using the path trodden with the Western Balkan countries.<\/p>\n

For their part, the EaP\u2019s associated partners should genuinely promote inclusive regional cooper\u00adation among themselves and deepen regional economic integration based on EU rules and standards, thereby bringing the region and its companies closer to the EU single market. This would not only bring benefits to their citizens but also lead to a common regional positioning which will be stronger and more persuasive than the efforts on the part of individual countries to integrate with the EU.<\/p>\n

The coming decade will see Russia and other rivals seeking to advance their illegit\u00adimate geopo\u00adlitical interests further in the EaP region and elsewhere. As is widely recog\u00adnised in the EU, the absence of a credible EU strategy towards the Western Balkans would reduce the EU\u2019s credi\u00adbility and poten\u00adtially fuel nation\u00adalist rhetoric in the region in question, whilst opening the door to the influence of third-country powers, in particular, Russia and China. This is even truer in the case of the EaP. Therefore, a strategic dialogue to be held with Russia, an idea that French President Macron enter\u00adtained last year, should not provide the Kremlin with \u201cguarantees on no further EU enlargement\u201d. Instead, the dialogue should serve and promote the EU\u2019s legit\u00adimate strategic interests in its neigh\u00adbourhood. In short, the EU needs to develop a \u201cnew Ostpolitik\u201d, to use a term coined by German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas, one aimed at identi\u00adfying new ways to cooperate with Russia in the interests of all European countries and at reaching out to EaP countries independent of the \u201cRussian factor\u201d.<\/p>\n

During her visit to Georgia in August 2018, the German chancellor Angela Merkel named Georgia and Ukraine as the next potential pair of states with which the EU may start talks following the accession of the Western Balkan countries.[8]<\/a> During its EU presi\u00addency, Germany needs to back up this statement and introduce merit-based dynamism to the EaP. The EaP should not remain merely an offer but become a credible and full-fledged European policy, indis\u00adpensable for the EU\u2019s credi\u00adbility as well as its influence in the region and beyond.<\/p>\n

[1]<\/a> Joint Commu\u00adni\u00adcation: Eastern Partnership Policy Beyond 2020: Reinforcing Resilience \u2013 An Eastern Partnership that Delivers for All. Available at https:\/\/eeas.europa.eu\/headquarters\/headquarters-homepage\/76166\/joint-communication-eastern-partnership-policy-beyond-2020-reinforcing-resilience-%E2%80%93-eastern_en<\/p>\n

[2]<\/a> The EU\u2019s response to the coron\u00adavirus pandemic in the Eastern Partnership. Available at https:\/\/ec.europa.eu\/neighbourhood-enlargement\/sites\/near\/files\/coronavirus_support_eap.pdf<\/p>\n

[3]<\/a> Eastern Partnership: Commission Proposes New Policy Objec\u00adtives for Beyond 2020. Available at https:\/\/ec.europa.eu\/commission\/presscorner\/detail\/en\/IP_20_452<\/p>\n

[4]<\/a> Eastern Partnership Policy Beyond 2020: Council Approves Conclu\u00adsions. Available at https:\/\/www.consilium.europa.eu\/en\/press\/press-releases\/2020\/05\/11\/eastern-partnership-policy-beyond-2020-council-approves-conclusions\/<\/p>\n

[5]<\/a> Eastern Partnership Policy Beyond 2020: Reinforcing Resilience \u2014 an Eastern Partnership that Delivers for All. Available at https:\/\/eeas.europa.eu\/sites\/eeas\/files\/1_en_act_part1_v6.pdf<\/p>\n

[6]<\/a> The European Commission, \u201cA More Credible, Dynamic, Predictable and Political EU Accession Process \u2014 Commission Lays Out its Proposals\u201d. Available at https:\/\/ec.europa.eu\/commission\/presscorner\/detail\/en\/ip_20_181<\/p>\n

[7]<\/a> European Parliament recom\u00admen\u00addation to the Council, the Commission and the Vice-President of the Commission \/\u200b High Repre\u00adsen\u00adtative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the Eastern Partnership in the run-up to the June 2020 Summit. Available at https:\/\/www.europarl.europa.eu\/doceo\/document\/A\u20119\u20132020-0112_EN.html<\/p>\n

[8]<\/a> Paata Gaprindashvili and Mariam Tsitsikashvili. \u201cTen Years Since the Russian-Georgian War: A New German \u2018Ostpolitik\u2019 is Needed\u201d. Available at http:\/\/iep-berlin.de\/blog\/10-years-since-the-russian-georgian-war-a-new-german-ostpolitik-is-needed\/<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Paata Gaprindashvili & Mariam Tsitsikashvili (Georgia\u2019s Reforms Associates (GRASS))<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

As part of our project \u201cEastern Part\u00adner\u00adship 2.0\u201d we publish a series of arti\u00adcles about the three EU asso\u00adci\u00ada\u00adtion states (Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova). Three authors from the region (Paata Gaprindashvili, Mariam...<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":10,"featured_media":38729,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"wp_typography_post_enhancements_disabled":false,"mc4wp_mailchimp_campaign":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[1894],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-38739","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-uncategorized"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nA Need for Credible EU Strategy for the Eastern Partnership - libmod.de - Zentrum Liberale Moderne<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"As part of our project \u201cEastern Part\u00adner\u00adship 2.0\u201d we publish a series of arti\u00adcles about the three EU asso\u00adci\u00ada\u00adtion states (Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova).\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/a-need-for-credible-eu-strategy-for-the-eastern-partnership\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"A Need for Credible EU Strategy for the Eastern Partnership\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"As part of our project \u201cEastern Part\u00adner\u00adship 2.0\u201d we publish a series of arti\u00adcles about the three EU asso\u00adci\u00ada\u00adtion states (Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova).\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/a-need-for-credible-eu-strategy-for-the-eastern-partnership\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"libmod.de - 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