{"id":40239,"date":"2020-12-17T10:31:13","date_gmt":"2020-12-17T09:31:13","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/libmod.de\/?p=40239"},"modified":"2020-12-29T12:00:41","modified_gmt":"2020-12-29T11:00:41","slug":"rethinking-liberalism-do-we-need-a-liberalism-of-fear","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/rethinking-liberalism-do-we-need-a-liberalism-of-fear\/","title":{"rendered":"Rethinking Liber\u00adalism: Do We Need a New Liber\u00adalism of Fear?"},"content":{"rendered":"
Shutter\u00adstock<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Liber\u00adalism is a political persuasion devoted to the pursuit of human flour\u00adishing. It demands that, at a minimum, every indi\u00advid\u00adual must be per\u00admit\u00adted to write its own life\u2019s story, unob\u00adstructed by fear, cruelty, or crush\u00ading intru\u00adsion. In light of new endogenous and external threats to free societies, how can we prevent fear from becoming the dominant public sentiment? In his essay, Amichai Magen argues for a \u201cNew Liber\u00adalism of Fear.\u201d<\/h3>\n

Liber\u00adalism \u2013 a term long subjected to much conceptual-stretching and abuse \u2013 is a political persuasion devoted to the pursuit of human flour\u00adishing through the exercise of individual liberty, economic openness, limited and egali\u00adtarian government, and the rule of law. At its core resides an insis\u00adtence upon the sublime worth and dignity of each and every individual human being, and ultimately of life itself.<\/p>\n

Liber\u00adal\u00adism\u2019s overriding political mission is to secure the essential condi\u00adtions necessary for the fullest possible expression of that sublime individual worth, and the unique human potential imbued in it. It therefore rejects any political doctrine or system of government that does not respect the difference between the spheres of the personal and those of the state, between areas of individual private life (including family and communal life) and that of public authority.<\/p>\n

At a minimum, liber\u00adalism demands, every individual must be permitted to write her own life\u2019s story \u2013 unobstructed by fear, cruelty, or crushing intrusion \u2013 as is compatible with the like freedom of every other individual. The life story written by the individual may amount to a heroic drama, a bitter-sweet comedy, or a tragic flop. Liber\u00adalism does not insist on a happy ending; but it does insist that it must, to a meaningful extent, be her story to write for herself.<\/p>\n

Liber\u00adalism, in other words, is an essen\u00adtially modern political quest for an existence in which human beings need not fear annihi\u00adlation, arbitrary violence, unnec\u00adessary coercion, or violation of what Isaiah Berlin \u2013 in his Oxford Don\u2019s conspicuous under\u00adstatement \u2014 described as \u201ca certain minimum area of personal freedom which must on no account be violated.\u201d[1]<\/a><\/p>\n

The Liber\u00adalism of Fear<\/h2>\n

This \u201cLiber\u00adalism of Fear\u201d \u2013 which Montesquieu and Constant already alluded to, but which was only explicitly illumi\u00adnated and explored in Judith Shklar\u2019s brilliant 1989 chapter by the same name \u2013 is not the only species in the liberal tradition worth mining for ideas for twenty-first century liberal renewal.[2]<\/a> Shklar recog\u00adnizes this herself, referring to other types of liber\u00adalism, notably \u201cthe liber\u00adalism of natural rights\u201d and \u201cthe liber\u00adalism of personal devel\u00adopment\u201d, that differ from the liber\u00adalism of fear.[3]<\/a><\/p>\n

One more caveat is noteworthy before I proceed to outline a case for a \u201cNew Liber\u00adalism of Fear\u201d, as one avenue for liberal renewal. \u201cFear\u201d is, on its face, an unattractive prop for the liberal persuader. The smell of fear is normally under\u00adstood to be odious. Hope, unicorns, and the promise of free love are, under\u00adstandably, the preferred marketing tools of the political soothsayer.<\/p>\n

Amichai Magen is a Senior Lecturer and Director of the Program on Democ\u00adratic Resilience and Devel\u00adopment at the Lauder School of Government, Diplomacy, and Strategy, IDC (Herzliya), Israel. <\/div>\n

The liber\u00adalism of fear, conse\u00adquently, suffers from an inherent marketing problem. In this sense it is a little like Isaiah Berlin\u2019s notion of \u201cNegative Freedom\u201d \u2013 wise but not catchy.[4]<\/a> The average consumer of political ideas will find no fluffy comfort in the liber\u00adalism of fear. What distin\u00adguishes it from those other types of liber\u00adalism, Shklar herself tells us, is that it is entirely \u201cnonutopian\u201d.[5]<\/a><\/p>\n

The liber\u00adalism of fear stares terror squarely in the face and shudders. It is starkly aware of the depths of depravity human beings are capable of and the scale of savagery and destruction that can be inflicted upon us fragile humans, partic\u00adu\u00adlarly by insti\u00adtu\u00adtion\u00adalized cruelty.<\/p>\n

The liber\u00adalism of fear is defined by a certain terrible modesty of expec\u00adta\u00adtions. It is the liber\u00adalism of damage control, and of the good enough to get by. It is the liber\u00adalism of avoiding Auschwitz-Birkenau, the Soviet Gulag, and, in our own time, the brutal\u00adization of the Yazidis, the starvation of the Yemenites, or the prison camps of North Korea and Xinjiang. Its primary \u2013 and in some respects primal \u2013 aim is to remind us to focus on avoiding the very worst that can happen to us, not assume that it somehow won\u2019t happen, or be tempted by the alluring but false utopian promises of a world free of tragedy.<\/p>\n

A Liber\u00adalism of Damage Control<\/h2>\n

The \u201cNew Liber\u00adalism of Fear\u201d begins with the shaking-off of the historical amnesia that has pervaded our culture since 1989. Complacent, smug, and more than a little na\u00efve, we slumbered under the warm duvet of post-1989 triumphalism. Confident that the end of history had arrived, that the arc of the moral universe was inexorably bending towards justice, and that the rest of the world would inevitably converge around an ever-expanding, ever-deepening Liberal Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Order under\u00adwritten by the land of the free and the home of the brave.<\/p>\n

Under the influence of this Fukuyama Coma, liber\u00adalism was permitted to stagnate and decay. Ironi\u00adcally, we liberals committed the cardinal sin of Marxism, the sin of historical deter\u00adminism. We drifted, and largely squan\u00addered the hard won peace dividend that came from victory in the mighty ideological struggles against Fascism, Nazism, and Soviet Communism over the course of the bloody twentieth-century. We neglected to nurture the virtues, values, and insti\u00adtu\u00adtions upon which modern liberal democ\u00adracies depend for their survival \u2013 active and engaged citizenship, effective statehood and robust public insti\u00adtu\u00adtions, genuine democ\u00adratic account\u00adability to ensure govern\u00adments act in the interest of the majority, and the rule of law to constrain those who would wield coercive political, economic, and cultural power.<\/p>\n

In the process, we left many of our fellow citizens behind \u2013 foolishly forgetting the first principle of liberal modernity, namely that the consent of the governed is the only solid basis for a functioning democ\u00adratic order. We pretended that the dark sides of global\u00adization were either not there, did not matter too much (that they would soon melt away under the forces of liberal conver\u00adgence), or that they could be effec\u00adtively managed by the invisible hand of markets alone. We neglected to keep up with accel\u00ader\u00adating connec\u00adtivity, complexity, and disruptive, anxiety-inducing techno\u00adlogical change. We failed to generate convincing liberal solutions to large emerging threats \u2013 Chinese author\u00adi\u00adtar\u00adi\u00adanism, environ\u00admental damage, uncon\u00adtrolled migration, failed states, nuclear prolif\u00ader\u00adation, pandemics, unaligned Artificial Intel\u00adli\u00adgence, and a degraded infor\u00admation ecology that risks oblit\u00ader\u00adating our ability to agree on basic scien\u00adtific and historical facts.<\/p>\n

The \u201cNew Liber\u00adalism of Fear\u201d demands a strongly developed sense of historical memory, and an histor\u00adi\u00adcally-informed imagi\u00adnation about the future of humanity. It would therefore bring history back in, in three distinct ways:<\/p>\n

First, to paraphrase Hal Brands and Charles Edel, it would insist that an under\u00adstanding of tragedy remains indis\u00adpensable to the conduct of politics, state\u00adcraft, and the preser\u00advation of world order.[6]<\/a> If we forget the inherent fragility of liberal orders \u2013 and the need to contin\u00adu\u00adously defend, preserve, and update them \u2013 we will invariably continue to sink into neglect and decline.<\/p>\n

Making the Case for the Morality of Liberal Orders<\/h2>\n

Second, it would invest real time and energy in making the case for the morality (yes, morality, not just efficiency) of liberal orders. It would proudly champion and celebrate the aston\u00adishing human progress achieved since the birth of the liberal era, and especially over the past several decades, across all the main indicators of human material wellbeing, where liberal values and insti\u00adtu\u00adtions took root. It would highlight the truly stunning 3,000 percent increase in real GDP for the poorest people since 1800, and how in the past three decades most of this \u201cGreat Enrichment\u201d has occurred not in \u201cwhite America\u201d or Western Europe, but in liber\u00adal\u00adizing Latin America, Eastern Europe, China, India, and increas\u00adingly Africa.[7]<\/a><\/p>\n

The \u201cNew Liber\u00adalism of Fear\u201d would actively seek to make living and succeeding gener\u00ada\u00adtions grasp the true meaning \u2013 in terms of human lives saved, improved, enriched, and liberated \u2013 of the following statistics: In 1950 global average life expectancy was less than 30 years, today it is 72.6. In 1950 global child mortality was 24 percent \u2013 meaning that nearly one in four babies died before their fifth birthday \u2013 today it is 4 percent. In 1950 the percentage of the world\u2019s population living in extreme poverty was 63.5 percent, today it is less than 9. And in 1950 only 10 percent of the world\u2019s population lived in democ\u00adracies, today \u2013 even after a decade and a half of a global democ\u00adratic recession \u2013 56 percent of human beings live in democ\u00adracies.[8]<\/a> This is an aston\u00adishing record of material and moral progress. It is imperfect, incom\u00adplete, and fragile, but it is also incal\u00adcu\u00adlably good and deserving of our gratitude, protection, and continued development.<\/p>\n

Lastly here, the \u201cNew Liber\u00adalism of Fear\u201d would make the case that rethinking liber\u00adalism must involve an expansion of our historical imagi\u00adna\u00adtions not just with reference to the past \u2013 with its litany of successes and failures, triumphs and crimes \u2013 but towards the future. Rethinking liber\u00adalism, as Toby Ord\u2019s wonderful dedication in his book The Precipice <\/em>puts it, must involve a commitment: \u201cTo the hundred billion people before us, who fashioned our civilization; To the seven billion now alive, whose actions may determine our fate; To the trillions to come, whose existence lies in the balance<\/em>.\u201d[9]<\/a><\/p>\n

Living in Fear Makes Us Unfree<\/h2>\n

The question of whether or not we live in a free society, the \u201cNew Liber\u00adalism of Fear\u201d under\u00adstands, is to a great extent a matter of collective psychology. \u201cWe fear a society of fearful people\u201d as Shklar puts it, because systematic mass fear makes human freedom impos\u00adsible.[10]<\/a> If we live in fear, we are funda\u00admen\u00adtally unfree.<\/p>\n

High-tech tyranny of the type offered by the Chinese Communist Party might be more \u201cefficient\u201d than the politics of imper\u00adfection, individual choice, and uncer\u00adtainty offered by liber\u00adalism. But what is the use of such efficiency to the human spirit? What is the point of it if it would make us into a gargantuan colony of fearful, cowering slaves? Similarly, what is the point of our human civilization if we make our planet uninhab\u00aditable or permit unaligned AI to run amok and hurl us into slavery or even extinction? The New Liber\u00adalism of Fear stares into that soulless abyss of possible dystopian traps and shudders. It refuses to go gentle into those night\u00admarish nights. It rages against the dying of the light.<\/p>\n

Liberals have feared different things at different times and so have striven to create and adapt political orders to tackle a succession of changing fears. Early modern liber\u00adalism \u2013 and there existed no liber\u00adalism in the pre-modern world \u2013 emerged from the chaos and carnage of religious intol\u00aderance and war. Fear of religious coercion is the cradle of modern liber\u00adalism. Gradually, over the course of the sixteenth and seventeen centuries, we discovered that toler\u00adation was superior to the cruelty of religious fanaticism.<\/p>\n

Then, in a second grand wave of compe\u00adtition over the nature of political order, the principles and insti\u00adtu\u00adtions of limited and egali\u00adtarian government proved to provide superior advan\u00adtages \u2013 military, economic, scien\u00adtific, and in terms of personal happiness \u2013 compared with Absolutism. Once Leviathan<\/em> was firmly estab\u00adlished, we discovered that it could devour us with greater ease and system than pre-modern author\u00adities ever could. We therefore gradually then invented various mecha\u00adnisms for taming Leviathan<\/em>. We call these, variably, civil and political rights, the rule of law, consti\u00adtu\u00adtion\u00adalism, feder\u00adalism and, eventually, modern repre\u00adsen\u00adtative democracy. Those societies who adopted and practiced these mecha\u00adnisms sensibly achieved greater power, prosperity, and dynamism.<\/p>\n

And from the turn of the twentieth century, our liberal orders \u2013 national, regional, and inter\u00adna\u00adtional \u2013 evolved again because we came to fear poverty, total war, and the rise of collec\u00adtivist total\u00adi\u00adtarian ideologies and states. Spurred by these fears, nation-state based, market-based liberal democ\u00adracies contested, and eventually defeated, their imperial, fascist, Nazi, and Soviet Communist adversaries.<\/p>\n

Viewed through this prism, contem\u00adporary liberal orders are essen\u00adtially a \u201ctriple-distilled\u201d package of normative and insti\u00adtu\u00adtional goods, accrued over centuries in a series of historical compe\u00adti\u00adtions where \u201cthe liberal solution\u201d eventually emerged victo\u00adrious, having proved superior to its competitors at providing physical and ontological wellbeing. Our modern forms of liberal order \u2013 containing the genome of toler\u00adation, bounded-statehood, consent-based repre\u00adsen\u00adtative democracy, and the market-economy \u2013 are the outcome of repeated successful contes\u00adtation and selection. Liberal order has survived and prolif\u00aderated because it has repeatedly proven superior in providing physical and ontological security. At the same time, the evolu\u00adtionary logic is a cold one. Unless liberal orders are able to once again compete and demon\u00adstrate their superi\u00adority, we should expect anti-liberal order-contes\u00adtation and defec\u00adtions to increase.[11]<\/a><\/p>\n

The Fear of Human Redundancy<\/h2>\n

What do we fear most today? In some places we still fear what Locke, Constant, Mill, Popper, Hayek, Arndt, Berlin, Solzhen\u00aditsyn and Shklar feared in the past \u2013 the unequal power of the author\u00adi\u00adtarian and predatory state over the individual. And yet, the \u201cNew Liber\u00adalism of Fear\u201d would admit \u2013 with a pinch of skepticism mixed with cautious satis\u00adfaction \u2013 that in most contem\u00adporary societies, most of the time, it is not state power that we fear most. Indeed, in many areas of limited statehood \u2013 in Iraq and Libya, Syria, Somalia, Congo and Haiti, to name but a few sorry examples \u2013 it is the conse\u00adquences of the absence of effective statehood that people fear most.<\/p>\n

Ultimately, what we \u2013 in what until recently was lightly called \u201cThe Free World\u201d \u2013 now fear most is a coming human redun\u00addancy. We fear physical redun\u00addancy as the result of existential catastrophes \u2013 demographic decline, climate extinction, unrecov\u00aderable civiliza\u00adtional collapse, or unrecov\u00aderable dystopia \u2013 at the hands of nature or anthro\u00adpogenic threats. We fear the complete loss of economic and political human agency to uncon\u00adtrolled forces of financial markets, Big-Tech algorithms, and ubiquitous corporate and state surveil\u00adlance. We fear metaphysical redun\u00addancy in the loss of meaning, purpose, belonging and attachment, not so much to indus\u00adtrial-age alien\u00adation but to digital era machines and synthetic biology. We even fear epistemic redun\u00addancy, in that very soon AI and Deep Fake technologies may very well extin\u00adguish ordinary people\u2019s ability to handle the accel\u00ader\u00adating complexity of the world or tell the difference between fact and conspiracy theory.<\/p>\n

The challenge before us liberals today is nothing less than to stem and reverse human redun\u00addancy. We require a new human\u00adistic liber\u00adalism that is at once true to the core values of the liberal tradition and provides superior outcomes of human flour\u00adishing to those proffered by our author\u00adi\u00adtarian and collec\u00adtivist adversaries.<\/p>\n

The challenge posed by the \u201cNew Liber\u00adalism of Fear\u201d is serious, possibly existential, but it is not entirely grim. As Bernard Williams observed in his own meditation upon Judith Shklar\u2019s text: \u201cthe liber\u00adalism of fear is not confined to uttering warnings and reminders. If indeed primary freedoms are secured, and basic fears are assuaged, then the atten\u00adtions of the liber\u00adalism of fear will move to more sophis\u00adti\u00adcated concep\u00adtions of freedom\u2026<\/em>\u201d[12]<\/a> Confronting our era\u2019s worst fears squarely, resolutely, and creatively is arguably our best path forward to once again reach a liber\u00adalism of hope.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

[1]<\/a> Isaiah Berlin, \u201cTwo Concepts of Liberty\u201d, in Four Essays on Liberty (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969) pp. 118\u2013172 at pg. 122.<\/p>\n

[2]<\/a> On Montesquieu\u2019s reference to the human need for personal security as a precon\u00addition for political freedom see: Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws<\/em>, tr. Cohler, Miller, and Stone (Cambridge, 1989), p. 157. Benjamin Constant also reflects on the relationship between security, fear, and liberty in his 1819 lecture The Liberty of the Ancients Compared with That of the <\/em>Moderns. Judith N. Shklar, \u201cThe Liber\u00adalism of Fear\u201d, in Liber\u00adalism and the Moral Life, ed. Nancy L. Rosenblum (Harvard 1989) pp. 21\u201338.<\/p>\n

[3]<\/a> Shklar, ibid. at p. 26\u201327.<\/p>\n

[4]<\/a> Berlin, Supra, note 1.<\/p>\n

[5]<\/a> Ibid. at p. 26.<\/p>\n

[6]<\/a> See: Hal Brands and Charles Edel, The Lessons of Tragedy: State\u00adcraft and World Order<\/em> (Yale University Press, 2019).<\/p>\n

[7]<\/a> For the full data see The Maddison Project Database 2020 (available: https:\/\/www.rug.nl\/ggdc\/historicaldevelopment\/maddison\/releases\/maddison-project-database-2020?lang=en<\/a>). For a summary and analysis see: Deidre N. McCloskey, Bourgeois Equality: How Ideas, Not Capital or Insti\u00adtu\u00adtions, Enriched the World<\/em> (Chicago University Press, 2016); Steven Pinker, Enlight\u00adenment Now: The Case for Reason, Science, Humanism, and Progress<\/em> (Viking, 2018).<\/p>\n

[8]<\/a> Figures drawn from Our World in Data (available: https:\/\/ourworldindata.org\/a\u2011history-of-global-living-conditions-in-5-charts<\/a>). On life-expectancy see: https:\/\/ourworldindata.org\/life-expectancy#:~:text=The%20divided%20world%20of%201950,achieved%20in%20a%20few%20places<\/a>.<\/p>\n

[9]<\/a> Toby Ord, The Precipice: Existential Risk and the Future of Humanity<\/em> (Hachette, 2020).<\/p>\n

[10]<\/a> Shklar, Supra, note 3, at p. 29.<\/p>\n

[11]<\/a> See: Amichai Magen, Liberal Order in the Twenty-First Century: Searching for Eunomia Once Again<\/em>, 139\/2\u20134 Journal of Contextual Economics (2019) 271\u2013284.<\/p>\n

[12]<\/a> Bernard Williams, In the Beginning Was the Deed: Realism and Moralism in Political Argument (Princeton University Press, 2005) p. 60.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Liber\u00adalism is a political persuasion devoted to the pursuit of human flour\u00adishing. It demands that, at a minimum, every indi\u00advid\u00adual must be per\u00admit\u00adted to write its own life\u2019s story, unob\u00adstructed by fear,...<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":203,"featured_media":40340,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"wp_typography_post_enhancements_disabled":false,"mc4wp_mailchimp_campaign":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[2814],"tags":[14664,2988],"class_list":["post-40239","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-essay-en","tag-dossier-liberalism","tag-liberalism"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nRethinking Liberalism: Do We Need a New Liberalism of Fear? - libmod.de - Zentrum Liberale Moderne<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Liberalism is a political persuasion devoted to the pursuit of human flourishing. We need a "New Liberalism of Fear" argues Amichai Magen.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/rethinking-liberalism-do-we-need-a-liberalism-of-fear\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Rethinking Liberalism: Do We Need a New Liberalism of Fear?\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Liberalism is a political persuasion devoted to the pursuit of human flourishing. 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