{"id":40245,"date":"2020-12-17T10:15:45","date_gmt":"2020-12-17T09:15:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/libmod.de\/?p=40245"},"modified":"2020-12-22T14:07:04","modified_gmt":"2020-12-22T13:07:04","slug":"rethinking-liberalism-the-revenge-of-emotions","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/rethinking-liberalism-the-revenge-of-emotions\/","title":{"rendered":"Rethinking Liber\u00adalism: The revenge of emotions"},"content":{"rendered":"

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

Grand Warszawski\/\u200bShutterstock<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Emotions play a huge role in populist politics. Liberals have largely overseen the impor\u00adtance of emotions. Populists are able to use fear and other emotions against liberal democracy. But the answer cannot only be reason. There is another way of approaching emotions in politics, says polish intel\u00adlectual Karolina Wigura. <\/em><\/h4>\n

<\/p>\n

How illiberal politi\u00adcians win elections by appealing to our emotions (and what their political opponents can do about it).<\/h4>\n

Amid the rapid turmoil brought about by the coron\u00adavirus pandemic, it has become increas\u00adingly clear how great a role emotions play in global politics. Emotions influ\u00adenced the decisions of entire states to introduce strict lockdown condi\u00adtions. They also underpin the great protest movements we have observed throughout 2020. From Black Lives Matter demon\u00adstra\u00adtions in the US and UK through protests in defence of women\u2019s rights in Poland, those phenomena hHave their source in a great inten\u00adsi\u00adfi\u00adcation of social emotions during the pandemic. Fear and anxiety easily change into anger and rage which has been illus\u00adtrated well by those movements of protest.<\/p>\n

One might wonder what\u2019s so strange about this. For centuries people have been aware that politics appeals to emotions. Leaders of various greater and lesser states have perfected their ability to spark emotions among their subjects at least since the days of Machi\u00adavelli, who, in his famous treatise The Prince<\/em>, claimed that a ruler should be able to effec\u00adtively strike both fear and love.<\/p>\n

Today, however, in the era of social media, emotions are not just an accessory to political strategy. They\u2019re at its very heart, and those who can make the best use of them are also effective at winning elections. This is especially challenging for those politi\u00adcians who wish to defend liberal democracy. After all, in recent years it has been its enemies who, for various reasons, have perfected the art of addressing mass emotions. The French philosopher Pierre Hassner wrote a few years ago about what he called the revenge of the passions. We truly live in the times of the revenge of emotion. This calls for under\u00adstanding and an appro\u00adpriate reaction.<\/p>\n

<\/p> Dr. habil. Karolina Wigura is a historian of ideas, sociol\u00adogist, and journalist. She is member of the Board of Kultura Liberalna Foundation, based in Warsaw, and a Senior Fellow of the Center for Liberal Modernity, based in Berlin. Wigura is also lecturer at Warsaw Univer\u00adsity\u2019s Institute of Sociology and focuses on the political philosophy of the 20th century and emotions in politics, as well as sociology and ethics of memory, partic\u00adu\u00adlarly transi\u00adtional justice, historical guilt, and recon\u00adcil\u00adi\u00adation. She is also an assistant professor and member of the European Council on Foreign Relations. From 2016 to 2018, she was a co-director of the Polish Programme in St. Antony\u2019s College at University of Oxford. 

\nWigura was awarded fellow\u00adships at Institute of Advanced Studies in Berlin, Robert Bosch Academy, Institute of Human Sciences in Vienna, German Marshall Fund, and St. Antony\u2019s College at University of Oxford. In 2008, she received the Grand Press prize for her interview with J\u00fcrgen Habermas \u201cEurope in death paralysis.\u201d Wigura is the author of The Guilt of Nations: Forgiveness as a Political Strategy (2011) and The Invention of Modern Heart: Philo\u00adsophical Sources of Contem\u00adporary Thinking of Emotions (2019) \u2013 both in Polish. Her work has also been published in The Guardian, The New York Times, Neue Zuercher Zeitung, Gazeta Wyborcza, and other period\u00adicals.\n \nHer latest book co-authored with a conser\u00adv\u00adative and catholic intel\u00adlectual Tomasz Terlikowski is \u201cPolish atheist vs. Polish Catholic\u201d recently became one of bestsellers in Poland (2022). Wigura is currently preparing, together with Jaros\u0142aw Kuisz, a book on the impact of the war in Ukraine on Central and Eastern Europe for Suhrkamp Verlag.\nWigura studied sociology, philosophy, and political science at University of Warsaw and University of Munich. She received her doctorate and habil\u00adi\u00adtation from University of Warsaw.<\/p><\/div>\n

Is politics the domain of reason or passion?<\/h2>\n

Until recently politics appeared to be a domain of reason. Since liberal democracy defeated fascism in 1945, the belief has been that emotions in politics lead to bloody upheavals and ethnic cleansing. That they should be treated with suspicion. And that good political systems should first and foremost promote education, law, consti\u00adtu\u00adtion\u00adalism and independent insti\u00adtu\u00adtions. Additionally, the idea was to gradually increase standards of living so that people never again experi\u00adenced the level of anger and frustration that once led to the dominance of political extremes and cruelty previ\u00adously unprece\u00addented in Europe. This was to guarantee that order and stability would be more durable than ever before.<\/p>\n

A few years ago, however, things began to change. All at once, citizens of many countries began to express anxiety, frustration, fear and anger. They addressed these emotions against the liberal elites that governed them. Then there were also politi\u00adcians who readily seized on this public mood: the illib\u00aderals. Unlike their liberal counter\u00adparts, they expressed an under\u00adstanding for these emotions. They provided a vent for these feelings, and directed them against the old political and legal elites, foreign migrants and people living in a different way than the majority. As a remedy, the illib\u00aderals promised a new wave of democ\u00adra\u00adti\u00adsation, supposedly placing public insti\u00adtu\u00adtions in the hands of citizens.<\/p>\n

An example of exactly this kind of phenomenon is the victory and continuing popularity of Poland\u2019s Law and Justice party (PiS) with its anti-elitist, anti-minority and anti-liberal rhetoric. But PiS is certainly not unique. A long list of groups around the globe are cut from a similar cloth and they are either winning elections or gaining sizeable support. The list includes Donald Trump in the USA, Alter\u00adnative f\u00fcr Deutschland in Germany, Thierry Baudet\u2019s Forum for Democracy in the Nether\u00adlands, Brexit supporters in the UK, Fidesz in Hungary, and so forth.<\/p>\n

Electoral victories by these politi\u00adcians rapidly result in either the decom\u00adpo\u00adsition of the rule of law and independent insti\u00adtu\u00adtions (as is the case in Poland) or at least put massive pressure on them (like in the USA). At the same time they enjoy social support. In Poland, PiS is in power for a second parlia\u00admentary term and has also had its president re-elected. In Hungary, Victor Orb\u00e1n wins elections one after another. When observing what is happening, liberals often reproach citizens by claiming they have been bought by illib\u00aderals, that their resentment and cynicism have allowed these changes to take place.<\/p>\n

Democracy and a sense of loss<\/h2>\n

All this can also be described differ\u00adently. The reasons behind the current political situation, and also the key to moving past it, lie in the great social and cultural shift in mass emotions we are all subject to.<\/p>\n

\u201cStep-by-step, year-by-year, the world is improving. Not on every single measure every single year, but as a rule. Though the world faces huge challenges, we have made tremendous progress. This is the fact-based worldview.\u201d This is how, in his beautiful book Factfulness<\/em>, the Swedish doctor and researcher on public health Hans Rosling describes the effects of the progress that has occurred globally in recent history.<\/p>\n

These changes span the last 200 years, but their greatest accel\u00ader\u00adation has fallen in the last half a century. In paricular, these include the reduction in infant mortality rates; higher life expectancy; access to running water in house\u00adholds; an enhanced level of education for boys and girls; dietary standards; access to techno\u00adlogical devel\u00adop\u00adments such as cars, computers and mobile phones; and, above all, an increase in the level of wealth of entire societies, raising them from the lowest to at least average levels of affluence.<\/p>\n

It would seem that this great scien\u00adtific and techno\u00adlogical shift and the trans\u00adfor\u00admation in ways of life should lead to increased optimism for the future and to a belief that we and our children can expect to live in a better world. Yet the paradox is that by reaching collective success, we feel deeply frustrated. Why is that so?<\/p>\n

Like any change, devel\u00adopment also comes at a cost. This is because change means loss. Longstanding ties, cemented by tradition and social order, fall apart. Behav\u00adioural strategies, which thus far have functioned perfectly, lose their effec\u00adtiveness. A loss of tried and tested habits occurs. And so, devel\u00adopment is difficult for emotional reasons; not despite the fact that it brings success, but precisely because it does. This leads to the experience of a powerful emotion, namely a sense of loss. From there, we are just a step away from fear, frustration and anxiety.<\/p>\n

The politi\u00adcians who were first to under\u00adstand this mechanism have been able to perform great feats in recent years. The perfect illus\u00adtration of this phenomenon is the success of Jaros\u0142aw Kaczy\u0144ski\u2019s political group in Poland. He was able to translate the rather ambivalent and undefined sense of loss into very concrete emotions: the fear of migrants and minority groups (like the LGBT community), anger with the liberal elites, with the founding fathers and mothers of the Third Polish Republic.<\/p>\n

We could find a similar expla\u00adnation for the success enjoyed by the Alter\u00adnative f\u00fcr Deutschland. Again, the situation could easily be misun\u00adder\u00adstood. Many people in my country, like in other post-communist states, believe eastern Germany should be bubbling with enthu\u00adsiasm related to its trans\u00adfor\u00admation after 1989. When the wall came down and inter\u00adna\u00adtional powers permitted the re-unifi\u00adcation of Germany, the GDR was the only former post-communist state that did not need to worry about where to find the funds for its moderni\u00adsation. West Germany pumped exorbitant amounts of money into the infra\u00adstructure of the eastern L\u00e4nder. Train stations and roads were either refur\u00adbished or built anew, and historic cities were rebuilt. It was assumed that the trans\u00adfor\u00admation would happen quickly, almost like a second Marshall Plan.<\/p>\n

However, it quickly turned out that, contrary to initial expec\u00adta\u00adtions, the former GDR has not repeated the economic miracle of West Germany under Chancellor Erhard. Key macro\u00adeco\u00adnomic values (a lower rate of economic growth, a surge in unemployment, etc.) were markedly different to those of 1950s West Germany. It is, then, no wonder that even though Germany has been celebrating the 30-year anniversary of its unifi\u00adcation, the German media is full of scepticism and doubt about the real conse\u00adquences of the reuni\u00adfi\u00adcation process. Discus\u00adsions point to short\u00adcomings, lost chances for entire groups of the population, unequal pay. Another argument, raised in the discus\u00adsions about 30th<\/sup> Anniversary of German unifi\u00adcation is the missing recog\u00adnition of easter German achieve\u00adments after 1989. There are also nearly no elites from eastern Germany. The political benefi\u00adciary of all these reser\u00adva\u00adtions in the eastern L\u00e4nder is none other than Alter\u00adnative f\u00fcr Deutschland.<\/p>\n

Empathy, belonging, and pluralism<\/h2>\n

So what should the defenders of liberal democracy do in the current situation? For many, the first intuitive response to politics red-hot with emotion is that of reason. And there are good grounds for it. The history of European politics of at least this past century has taught us to be cautious when it comes to this sphere of the individual and social psyche<\/em>. It is easy to manip\u00adulate emotions, recent examples of which include both the atroc\u00adities caused by national socialism in Germany and all sorts of other nation\u00adalists, for example those whose actions led to war in the former Yugoslavia.<\/p>\n

And so, the intel\u00adlectual fathers and mothers of modern liberal democracy, like the popular German philosopher J\u00fcrgen Habermas or the American thinker Martha Nussbaum, encourage us to approach emotions with caution, and to transform them into ideas, or at least into careful liberal education. In the view of Habermas, a new kind of patri\u00adotism should be invented: instead of national feelings which may at times transform into exclusion of whole social groups and hostility, the philosopher proposes the concept of consti\u00adtu\u00adtional patri\u00adotism, based on the Verfassung in Germany and the Lisbon Treaty for the EU.<\/p>\n

Nussbaum, on the other hand, has given a lot of reflection to love, fear, and other emotions crucial to our collective lives. When it comes to dealing with emotions in politics, however, what she suggests is a rather utopian project of \u201cSocratic pedagogy\u201d which is to lead to critical under\u00adstanding first and only then to compassion and sympathy. This approach is informed by the fact that many people who comprehend the cost of trans\u00adfor\u00admation and the sense of loss would be more likely to say that it is much better to focus on the rule of law, and insti\u00adtu\u00adtions, rather than the unpre\u00addictable reactions of the heart.<\/p>\n

But there is also another way of approaching emotions in politics. Instead of removing them, we should look for such ways of working with them, and for such language of expressing them, that would make them serve a better, not worse, political community. At the same time, this should allow for effec\u00adtiveness at the ballot box. An innovation in liberal politics, therefore, is a return to the sense of loss and an attempt to have a conver\u00adsation with that emotion, an attempt to respond to it with empathy and to create an alter\u00adnative to illiberal projects \u2013 in the form of an unxeno\u00adphobic sense of belonging to one\u2019s own political community.<\/p>\n

The collective sense of loss I have described can be likened to grief after the loss of a loved one. In the process of grieving, our first reaction is to look back and to dwell on the loss. And so, we could compare the content of reactionary illib\u00ader\u00adalism to precisely this phase of grieving. Yet from the experience we have as people, we know that grieving also has other phases. One of them is the one during which we work on reviving ourselves and on the sources of hope for the future. This is the phase that requires courage, hope and compassion, especially for those who are unlike us.<\/p>\n

This, then, could shape the future direction of liber\u00adalism This sort of political project has already begun to sprout inter\u00adna\u00adtionally. Zuzana \u010caputov\u00e1\u2019s landslide victory in the 2019 presi\u00addential elections in Slovakia could be explained through her positioning of empathy at the very heart of her campaign. The previ\u00adously little-known activist won the 2019 presi\u00addential race with a commanding 58 % of the vote in Slovakia, long dominated by the populist party Smer-SD (Direction\u2013Social Democracy). In my country, Poland, the mayoral candidate<\/p>\n

Rafa\u0142 Trzaskowski crushed a rival from PiS in the first round in Warsaw\u2019s 2018 municipal election. Even if Trzaskowski lost the 2020 presi\u00addential election, the sheer scale of support for him showed that making empathy an important, or even essential element of political language, is key to success at the polls.<\/p>\n

Emotions and Covid-19 pandemic<\/h2>\n

To conclude, we should return to the Covid-19 pandemic, to the question of its impact on collective emotions and of how politi\u00adcians can react to them. When the pandemic broke, historic accounts of various epidemics in the history of our continent (and, more broadly, the entire planet) were helpful in suggesting what emotions would be stirred up, and what role they could play. The first and most important emotion tied to a pandemic is, of course, fear. This fear has many possible facets, but our reactions to it have remained unchanged for centuries. Today, just as in Boccacio\u2019s day, we hear of the fear people have of a dangerous illness, spread around by those who live among us, by our own neighbours.<\/p>\n

The second emotion widely spoken about since the great epidemics of ancient Europe is suspi\u00adciousness. In his History of the Pelopon\u00adnesian War<\/em>, Thucy\u00addides recounts the suspicion that the disease was created by Pelopon\u00adnesians, who allegedly poisoned the water in wells. 14th<\/sup> century documents recount how Jewish pogroms were caused by the suspicion that Jews harboured the Black Death. How is all this different to today\u2019s gossip that the coron\u00adavirus is the product of a Chinese, or even Chinese-Jewish conspiracy?<\/p>\n

Finally, the third basic pandemic emotion is uncer\u00adtainty. This emotion is also widely discussed in historic accounts of epidemics. Uncer\u00adtainty was predom\u00adi\u00adnantly linked to the fact that the rule of law crumbled under plagues \u2013 it was no longer clear what common rules were in place anymore.<\/p>\n

The current pandemic and its concomitant emotions create an additional film over all that that had previ\u00adously functioned in global politics. If the opponents of populists really dream of taking power from them, or at least of dimin\u00adishing their popularity, they will have to consider all that is currently at play. Joe Biden and Kamala Harris, after the victory in the US presi\u00addential election, did not hesitate to appeal to courage and hope for the future. This might be the first sign of liberals being ready to reinvent politics for the XXI century, trans\u00adlating fear into courage, suspi\u00adciousness into caution and uncer\u00adtainty into creativity.[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_column][\/vc_row]<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text] Emotions play a huge role in populist politics. Liberals have largely overseen the impor\u00adtance of emotions. Populists are able to use fear and other emotions against liberal democracy. But the...<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":204,"featured_media":40276,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"wp_typography_post_enhancements_disabled":false,"mc4wp_mailchimp_campaign":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[2814],"tags":[14664,2988],"class_list":["post-40245","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-essay-en","tag-dossier-liberalism","tag-liberalism"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nRethinking Liberalism: The revenge of emotions - libmod.de - Zentrum Liberale Moderne<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Emo\u00adtions play a huge role in pop\u00adulist pol\u00adi\u00adtics. 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There is another way of approach\u00ading emo\u00adtions in pol\u00adi\u00adtics, says polish intel\u00adlec\u00adtual Karolina Wigura.\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/rethinking-liberalism-the-revenge-of-emotions\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"libmod.de - Zentrum Liberale Moderne\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/LiberaleModerne\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2020-12-17T09:15:45+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2020-12-22T13:07:04+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/libmod.de\/wp-content\/uploads\/shutterstock_634715363-2-e1608292207180.jpg?fit=561%2C375&ssl=1\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"561\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"375\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Karolina Wigura\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:creator\" content=\"@liberalemoderne\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:site\" content=\"@liberalemoderne\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Karolina Wigura\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"13 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/libmod.de\\\/en\\\/rethinking-liberalism-the-revenge-of-emotions\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/libmod.de\\\/en\\\/rethinking-liberalism-the-revenge-of-emotions\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Karolina Wigura\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/libmod.de\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/a3c9a846e581968c37c3ba4e7f8f4d80\"},\"headline\":\"Rethinking Liber\u00adalism: The revenge of emotions\",\"datePublished\":\"2020-12-17T09:15:45+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2020-12-22T13:07:04+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/libmod.de\\\/en\\\/rethinking-liberalism-the-revenge-of-emotions\\\/\"},\"wordCount\":2511,\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/libmod.de\\\/#organization\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/libmod.de\\\/en\\\/rethinking-liberalism-the-revenge-of-emotions\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/libmod.de\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/shutterstock_634715363-2-e1608292207180.jpg\",\"keywords\":[\"Dossier Liberalism\",\"liberalism\"],\"articleSection\":[\"Essay\u2003\"],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/libmod.de\\\/en\\\/rethinking-liberalism-the-revenge-of-emotions\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/libmod.de\\\/en\\\/rethinking-liberalism-the-revenge-of-emotions\\\/\",\"name\":\"Rethinking Liberalism: The revenge of emotions - libmod.de - Zentrum Liberale Moderne\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/libmod.de\\\/#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/libmod.de\\\/en\\\/rethinking-liberalism-the-revenge-of-emotions\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/libmod.de\\\/en\\\/rethinking-liberalism-the-revenge-of-emotions\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/libmod.de\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/shutterstock_634715363-2-e1608292207180.jpg\",\"datePublished\":\"2020-12-17T09:15:45+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2020-12-22T13:07:04+00:00\",\"description\":\"Emo\u00adtions play a huge role in pop\u00adulist pol\u00adi\u00adtics. 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