{"id":42513,"date":"2021-06-21T16:51:31","date_gmt":"2021-06-21T14:51:31","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/libmod.de\/input-paper-overview-current-situation-challenges-fight-corruption-republic-of-moldova-guzun-copy\/"},"modified":"2021-07-09T14:46:54","modified_gmt":"2021-07-09T12:46:54","slug":"input-paper-anti-corruption-environment-georgia-tranparency-international-georgia-kevkhishvili","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/input-paper-anti-corruption-environment-georgia-tranparency-international-georgia-kevkhishvili\/","title":{"rendered":"Input Paper on Anti-Corruption Environment in&nbsp;Georgia"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"wpb-content-wrapper\"><p>[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n<figure id=\"attachment_42515\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-42515\" style=\"width: 1200px\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\"><img class=\"wp-image-42515 size-full\" src=\"https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20240905144121\/georgiaEU500.jpg\" alt width=\"1200\" height=\"500\" srcset=\"https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20240905144121\/georgiaEU500.jpg 1200w, https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20240905144121\/georgiaEU500-770x321.jpg 770w, https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20240905144121\/georgiaEU500-768x320.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\"><figcaption id=\"caption-attachment-42515\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Foto: Shutter\u00adstock,&nbsp;artteam<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row css=\u201d.vc_custom_1508251598805{margin-top: 30px !important;}\u201d][vc_column width=\u201c2\/3\u201d css=\u201d.vc_custom_1508252250311{padding-right: 20px !important;}\u201d][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n<h2>As part of our project \u201cEastern Partnership Plus\u201d, we are publishing a&nbsp;first series of input papers on the topic of anti-corruption reforms in Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova. The authors from the region (Kateryna Ryzhenko, Ion Guzun, Sandro Kevkhishvili) analyse the role of the European Union in supporting the fight against corruption and formulate their political recom\u00admen\u00adda\u00adtions for decision-makers in Berlin and&nbsp;Brussels.<!--more--><\/h2>\n<h3>By Alexander Kevkhishvili<\/h3>\n<p><strong>Input Paper on Anti-Corruption Environment in&nbsp;Georgia<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Trans\u00adparency Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Georgia (TI&nbsp;Georgia)<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>(3 May&nbsp;2021)<\/p>\n<p>The current situation vis-\u00e0-vis corruption in Georgia is charac\u00adterized by impres\u00adsively low levels of petty corruption combined with near total impunity for high-level&nbsp;corruption.<\/p>\n<p>After the Rose Revolution in 2003, Georgia underwent a&nbsp;series of sweeping reforms that success\u00adfully curbed petty corruption in the previ\u00adously graft-plagued public admin\u00adis\u00adtration. They included a&nbsp;total overhaul of the tax system and the police force, creation of a&nbsp;one-stop-shop approach to the provision of government services, and the complete digital\u00adization and opening up of public procurement.<\/p>\n<p>These reforms were hailed individ\u00adually as milestones worldwide. More impor\u00adtantly, they succeeded: process digital\u00adization, automation and central\u00adization dramat\u00adi\u00adcally reduced oppor\u00adtu\u00adnities for bribe-taking, bringing petty corruption down to a&nbsp;minimum. This achievement has been maintained to this day \u2013&nbsp; in annual surveys commis\u00adsioned by TI Georgia over the past several years, the percentage of respon\u00addents reporting that they or a&nbsp;family member had been asked to pay a&nbsp;bribe for a&nbsp;public service has never exceeded 1%.<a href=\"#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\"><sup>[1]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>However, the last 18&nbsp;years have not seen similarly ambitious reforms targeting high-level (so called \u2018elite\u2019) corruption. As a&nbsp;result, both of the two admin\u00adis\u00adtra\u00adtions that have governed in this period have faced serious accusa\u00adtions of creating an environment of impunity for high-level&nbsp;corruption.<\/p>\n<p>Of particular concern is that Georgia has seen a&nbsp;marked deteri\u00ado\u00adration of its anti-corruption environment over the past several years, combined with a&nbsp;near total halt to efforts to carry out anti-corruption reforms.<a href=\"#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\"><sup>[2]<\/sup><\/a> This is evidenced by the&nbsp;following:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>There has been no signif\u00adicant improvement in Georgia\u2019s score in the Corruption Percep\u00adtions Index since 2012. In its 2020 assessment,<a href=\"#_ftn3\" name=\"_ftnref3\"><sup>[3]<\/sup><\/a> Trans\u00adparency Inter\u00adna\u00adtional highlighted \u201cstate capture and undue influence over key insti\u00adtu\u00adtions as the main challenges to political integrity in&nbsp;Georgia\u201d.<\/li>\n<li>Georgia has made little progress in imple\u00admenting inter\u00adna\u00adtional anti-corruption recom\u00admen\u00adda\u00adtions and commit\u00adments over the past four years. The national action plans developed by the Georgian government to implement the anti-corruption part of the Associ\u00adation Agenda have focused largely on organizing various types of training sessions, while failing to implement important aims, such as effective inves\u00adti\u00adgation of cases of high-level corruption and adoption of a&nbsp;law on freedom of infor\u00admation.<a href=\"#_ftn4\" name=\"_ftnref4\"><sup>[4]<\/sup><\/a> In its latest report (2019),<a href=\"#_ftn5\" name=\"_ftnref5\"><sup>[5]<\/sup><\/a> OECD ACN judged that Georgia had made no progress in imple\u00admenting the majority of the 81 recom\u00admen\u00adda\u00adtions. Consid\u00aderable short\u00adcomings remain in terms of fulfilment of GRECO recom\u00admen\u00adda\u00adtions as&nbsp;well.<\/li>\n<li>The National Anti-Corruption Strategy repeatedly fails to address the key challenge of high-level corruption, despite being regularly&nbsp;updated.<\/li>\n<li>Key anti-corruption mecha\u00adnisms have yet to be imple\u00admented in practice: (1) Whistle-blower protec\u00adtions exist only on paper; law enforcement agencies are effec\u00adtively exempt from the relevant law.<a href=\"#_ftn6\" name=\"_ftnref6\"><sup>[6]<\/sup><\/a> (2) There are no effective mecha\u00adnisms to enforce conflict-of-interest and revolving-door provi\u00adsions.<a href=\"#_ftn7\" name=\"_ftnref7\"><sup>[7]<\/sup><\/a><\/li>\n<li>Public percep\u00adtions of the preva\u00adlence of and response to high-level corruption are very different from those relating to petty corruption: 63% of survey respon\u00addents believe that abuse of power by public officials is common or very common, and 47% are of the opinion that corruption cases involving high-ranking officials or ruling party associates are not inves\u00adti\u00adgated properly (29% believe that they are).<a href=\"#_ftn8\" name=\"_ftnref8\"><sup>[8]<\/sup><\/a><\/li>\n<li>Recent years have seen increasing numbers of cases in which allega\u00adtions of high-level corruption have failed to elicit any response from inves\u00adtigative bodies. As of March 2021, TI Georgia listed 50 un-inves\u00adti\u00adgated high-profile cases of corruption involving high-ranking public officials or persons associated with the party in power.<a href=\"#_ftn9\" name=\"_ftnref9\"><sup>[9]<\/sup><\/a><\/li>\n<li>The only signif\u00adicant new element to be intro\u00adduced into the country\u2019s anti-corruption legis\u00adlation since 2016 is the Law on Facil\u00adi\u00adtating the Prevention of Money Laundering and the Financing of Terrorism (2019). Although a&nbsp;mechanism to monitor asset decla\u00adra\u00adtions by public officials went into operation in 2017, the process does not include any steps aimed at identi\u00adfying conflicts of interest or illicit enrichment.<a href=\"#_ftn10\" name=\"_ftnref10\"><sup>[10]<\/sup><\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>The basic expla\u00adnation for this slowdown in anti-corruption reforms and the unwill\u00adingness to address high-level corruption lies in the political system in Georgia, which has allowed each subse\u00adquent government to concen\u00adtrate all political power in its own hands. However, this state of affairs is currently rendered even more alarming by clear indica\u00adtions for the existence of informal power struc\u00adtures centring around the founder of the current ruling party, billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili, that operate in parallel to democ\u00adratic insti\u00adtu\u00adtions. After analysing all available evidence for an influence by informal power struc\u00adtures on formal struc\u00adtures, TI Georgia has concluded that Georgia is experi\u00adencing state capture, which is the ultimate form of corruption for a&nbsp;democ\u00adratic context.<a href=\"#_ftn11\" name=\"_ftnref11\"><sup>[11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>Bidzina Ivanishvili is the founder of the current ruling party. The richest man in Georgia, he has an estimated worth of USD 5.5 billion,<a href=\"#_ftn12\" name=\"_ftnref12\"><sup>[12]<\/sup><\/a> or about 30% of Georgia\u2019s GDP,<a href=\"#_ftn13\" name=\"_ftnref13\"><sup>[13]<\/sup><\/a> though he prefers to use proxies and offshore companies to keep this wealth out of the public eye.<a href=\"#_ftn14\" name=\"_ftnref14\"><sup>[14]<\/sup><\/a> While Ivanishvili\u2019s 2012\u20132013 term as prime minister was the only time he has ever held public office, no one, including the ruling party officials, has ever made any secret of the fact that he has continued to play an active role in making major decisions, such as dismissal and appointment of prime ministers, since his resig\u00adnation. In fact, the highest positions in key bodies of the executive branch in Georgia are filled by persons who are loyal to Ivanishvili or have worked for him in the past.<a href=\"#_ftn15\" name=\"_ftnref15\"><sup>[15]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>The two main agencies respon\u00adsible for addressing corruption in Georgia can serve as examples here. The current head of the State Security Service has held top jobs in a&nbsp;number of Ivanishvili\u2019s companies in the past; his prede\u00adcessor had been Bidzina Ivanishvili\u2019s personal chief of security. The current Prose\u00adcutor General also has ties to Ivanishvili, and his prede\u00adcessor had previ\u00adously acted as Ivanishvili\u2019s personal attorney. Under such circum\u00adstances, it is impos\u00adsible for existing anti-corruption agencies to combat high-level corruption free of political and undue&nbsp;influence.<\/p>\n<p>While they realise that no single reform can address the sheer scale of the problem described above, TI Georgia and its partner organi\u00adza\u00adtions in Georgia believe that the reform with the largest potential to bring at least some results in combating corruption is the creation of an independent, multi-function anti-corruption agency tasked specif\u00adi\u00adcally with addressing high-level corruption. A&nbsp;legislative initiative to establish such an agency, prepared by TI Georgia, was intro\u00adduced in Parliament in 2020.<a href=\"#_ftn16\" name=\"_ftnref16\"><sup>[16]<\/sup><\/a> However, the convo\u00adcation of the Parliament elected in the autumn of that same year refused to carry the proposal over for further consideration.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Recom\u00admen\u00adda\u00adtions to the European&nbsp;Union<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The EU continues to be the gravi\u00adta\u00adtional centre for Georgian politics and society. Public opinion polls consis\u00adtently show that the majority of the Georgian population remains in favour of closer ties with the EU. In its engagement with Georgia therefore, the EU should consider intro\u00adducing condi\u00adtion\u00adality on key anti-corruption reforms, such as the estab\u00adlishment of an independent anti-corruption agency and creation of a&nbsp;beneficial ownership registry, both of which are necessary precon\u00addi\u00adtions for any future efforts to combat high-level corruption and state capture. The EU\u2019s recent efforts proved decisive in helping to bring Georgia out of six months of political impasse, suggesting that more direct engagement combined with stricter mecha\u00adnisms, such as condi\u00adtion\u00adality, would have a&nbsp;good chance of success without many&nbsp;drawbacks.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to condi\u00adtion\u00adality, without which painful anti-corruption reforms are highly unlikely, the EU should consider employing the model of engagement that it used during the visa liber\u00adal\u00adization process to help improve the anti-corruption environment in general. The success of the visa-regime liber\u00adal\u00adization process proved that, given the prospect of a&nbsp;concrete benefit and a&nbsp;clear roadmap to attaining it, Georgia\u2019s political elite is capable of fulfilling all require\u00adments stipu\u00adlated by the EU. Employing a&nbsp;similar approach in the area of anti-corruption, i.e. devel\u00adoping more specific bench\u00admarks and deadlines, as well as follow-up mecha\u00adnisms to keep track of imple\u00admen\u00adtation, should guarantee long-term success. Basing these bench\u00admarks on the new best-practice-based method\u00adology developed by OECD ACN should be&nbsp;considered.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref1\" name=\"_ftn1\"><sup>[1]<\/sup><\/a> Trans\u00adparency Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Georgia, <em>Corruption and Anti-Corruption Policy in Georgia: 2016\u20132020<\/em>, 21 October 2020, <a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/2QBINS4\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/2QBINS4<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref2\" name=\"_ftn2\"><sup>[2]<\/sup><\/a> Ibid.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref3\" name=\"_ftn3\"><sup>[3]<\/sup><\/a> Trans\u00adparency Inter\u00adna\u00adtional, <em>Georgia\u2019s Anti-corruption Reforms Stall Amid Political Crisis and Allega\u00adtions of State Capture<\/em>, 28 January 2021, <a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/3xE3SM0\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/3xE3SM0<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref4\" name=\"_ftn4\"><sup>[4]<\/sup><\/a> Trans\u00adparency Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Georgia, <em>Georgia\u2019s Anti-Corruption Policy Fails to Fulfill Associ\u00adation Agreement and Associ\u00adation Agenda Commit\u00adments, <\/em>11 June 2019, <a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/3vxnvnf\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/3vxnvnf<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref5\" name=\"_ftn5\"><sup>[5]<\/sup><\/a> OECD-ACN, <em>Georgia Progress Update<\/em>, March 2019, <a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/3aQNoXs\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/3aQNoXs<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref6\" name=\"_ftn6\"><sup>[6]<\/sup><\/a> Trans\u00adparency Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Georgia, <em>The Dysfunc\u00adtional Whistle\u00adblowing Mechanism in the Georgian Public Service<\/em>, 25 June 2020, <a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/3xwV36Z\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/3xwV36Z<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref7\" name=\"_ftn7\"><sup>[7]<\/sup><\/a> Trans\u00adparency Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Georgia, <em>\u201cRevolving door\u201d Problem in Georgia: Short\u00adcomings of Legis\u00adlation and Enforcement<\/em>, 15 July 2019, <a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/3vtO2Ss\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/3vtO2Ss<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref8\" name=\"_ftn8\"><sup>[8]<\/sup><\/a> Trans\u00adparency Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Georgia, <em>Corruption in Georgia: Results of Public Opinion Survey<\/em>, 10 June 2020, <a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/3vxogN7\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/3vxogN7<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref9\" name=\"_ftn9\"><sup>[9]<\/sup><\/a> Trans\u00adparency Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Georgia, <em>Uninves\u00adti\u00adgated Cases of Alleged High-Level Corruption in Georgia \u2014 A&nbsp;Period\u00adi\u00adcally Updated List<\/em>, 30 March 2021, <a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/333GeuA\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/333GeuA<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref10\" name=\"_ftn10\"><sup>[10]<\/sup><\/a> Trans\u00adparency Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Georgia, <em>The Georgian Asset Decla\u00adration System is in Need of an Update<\/em>, 29&nbsp;September 2020, <a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/332nJ9H\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/332nJ9H<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref11\" name=\"_ftn11\"><sup>[11]<\/sup><\/a> Trans\u00adparency Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Georgia, <em>Is Georgia a&nbsp;Captured State?<\/em>, 11 December 2020, <a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/3gWYeit\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/3gWYeit<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref12\" name=\"_ftn12\"><sup>[12]<\/sup><\/a> Bloomberg, <em>Bloomberg Billion\u00adaires Index \u2014 Bidzina Ivanishvili<\/em>, 9&nbsp;December 2020, <a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/342wuS1\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/342wuS1<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref13\" name=\"_ftn13\"><sup>[13]<\/sup><\/a> National Statistics Office of Georgia, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.geostat.ge\/en\">https:\/\/www.geostat.ge\/en<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref14\" name=\"_ftn14\"><sup>[14]<\/sup><\/a> Trans\u00adparency Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Georgia, <em>Offshore Companies and Other Business Connec\u00adtions of Bidzina Ivanishvili<\/em>, 2&nbsp;November 2018, <a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/36YsHXW\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/36YsHXW<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref15\" name=\"_ftn15\"><sup>[15]<\/sup><\/a> Trans\u00adparency Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Georgia, <em>Ivanishvili\u2019s Companies \u2013 the Forge for Government Officials<\/em>, 1&nbsp;May 2015, <a href=\"http:\/\/bit.do\/ePTzY\">http:\/\/bit.do\/ePTzY<\/a> and Trans\u00adparency Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Georgia, <em>Ivanishvili\u2019s Companies \u2013 Public Officials\u2019 Talent Pool Three Years Later<\/em>, 8&nbsp;October 2018, <a href=\"http:\/\/bit.ly\/2sr9Fb7\">http:\/\/bit.ly\/2sr9Fb7<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref16\" name=\"_ftn16\"><sup>[16]<\/sup><\/a> Trans\u00adparency Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Georgia, <em>A&nbsp;new legislative initiative, if supported, to greatly improve anti-corruption capacity of Georgia<\/em>, 1&nbsp;September 2020, <a href=\"https:\/\/bit.ly\/3eJukeH\">https:\/\/bit.ly\/3eJukeH<\/a><\/p>\n<hr>\n<p><em>Alexander Kevkhishvili joined the Trans\u00adparency Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Georgia team in October 2019 as the senior analyst of the anti-corruption team. Since May 2020, he holds the position of Project Manager of the same&nbsp;team.&nbsp;<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Gef\u00f6rdert durch:<\/p>\n<p><img class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-42521\" src=\"https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20240905144120\/logoaa-770x344.jpg\" alt width=\"770\" height=\"344\" srcset=\"https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20240905144120\/logoaa-770x344.jpg 770w, https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20240905144120\/logoaa.jpg 1200w, https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20240905144120\/logoaa-768x343.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 770px) 100vw, 770px\"><\/p>\n<p><i>&nbsp;<\/i><img class=\"alignnone wp-image-23921 size-full\" src=\"http:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20240905145906\/textende.png\" alt=\"Textende\" width=\"40\" height=\"120\">[\/vc_column_text][vc_separator][vc_column_text]Did you like thike this article? 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value=\"Absenden\"><br><\/p><\/div><label style=\"display: none !important;\">Leave this field empty if you\u2019re&nbsp;human:&nbsp;<input type=\"text\" name=\"_mc4wp_honeypot\" value tabindex=\"-1\" autocomplete=\"off\"><\/label><input type=\"hidden\" name=\"_mc4wp_timestamp\" value=\"1775720203\"><input type=\"hidden\" name=\"_mc4wp_form_id\" value=\"24179\"><input type=\"hidden\" name=\"_mc4wp_form_element_id\" value=\"mc4wp-form-1\"><div class=\"mc4wp-response\"><\/div><\/form><!-- \/ Mailchimp for WordPress Plugin -->[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_column_inner][\/vc_row_inner][\/vc_column][\/vc_row]\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text] [\/vc_column_text][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row css=\u201d.vc_custom_1508251598805{margin-top: 30px !important;}\u201d][vc_column width=\u201c2\/3\u201d css=\u201d.vc_custom_1508252250311{padding-right: 20px !important;}\u201d][vc_column_text] As part of our project \u201cEastern Partnership Plus\u201d, we are publishing a&nbsp;first series of input papers on the topic of anti-corruption...<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":10,"featured_media":42517,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"wp_typography_post_enhancements_disabled":false,"mc4wp_mailchimp_campaign":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[14759],"tags":[14168,2829,14756,14757,11704],"class_list":["post-42513","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-input-paper","tag-eap-plus","tag-eastern-neighbourhood","tag-eastern-partnership-plus","tag-europas-osten-neu-en","tag-europes-east"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v27.0 (Yoast SEO v27.3) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Input Paper on Anti-Corruption Environment in Georgia<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"As part of our project 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