{"id":70635,"date":"2025-02-27T14:51:04","date_gmt":"2025-02-27T13:51:04","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/libmod.de\/im-schatten-von-carl-schmitt-putins-und-trumps-ideen-zur-aufteilung-europas\/"},"modified":"2025-03-12T16:45:03","modified_gmt":"2025-03-12T15:45:03","slug":"in-the-shadow-of-carl-schmitt-putin-and-trumps-ideas-on-the-division-of-europe","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/in-the-shadow-of-carl-schmitt-putin-and-trumps-ideas-on-the-division-of-europe\/","title":{"rendered":"In the shadow of Carl Schmitt: Putin and Trump\u2019s ideas on the division of&nbsp;Europe"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"wpb-content-wrapper\"><p>[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text css=\u201c\u201d]<\/p>\n<figure id=\"attachment_70545\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-70545\" style=\"width: 1200px\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\"><img class=\"wp-image-70545 size-full\" src=\"https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20250227145804\/500_Trump_Putin.jpg\" alt width=\"1200\" height=\"500\" srcset=\"https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20250227145804\/500_Trump_Putin.jpg 1200w, https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20250227145804\/500_Trump_Putin-770x321.jpg 770w, https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20250227145804\/500_Trump_Putin-768x320.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\"><figcaption id=\"caption-attachment-70545\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Foto: Imago<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row css=\u201d.vc_custom_1508251598805{margin-top: 30px !important;}\u201d][vc_column width=\u201c2\/3\u201d css=\u201d.vc_custom_1508252250311{padding-right: 20px !important;}\u201d][vc_column_text css=\u201c\u201d]<\/p>\n<h3>Over the heads of the Europeans, Trump and Putin are currently trying to divide up not only Ukraine, but also the dominance of \u201cGreater Europe\u201d between them. It is high time for the EU to enter the negoti\u00ada\u00adtions force\u00adfully and with a&nbsp;clear concept. Germany must play a&nbsp;prominent role alongside France and Poland as soon as possible, including militarily, demands former German diplomat Johannes Regen\u00adbrecht. He analyzes the tradi\u00adtions of thought that guide Trump and Putin and which need to be under\u00adstood in order to decisively oppose their&nbsp;plans.<\/h3>\n<p>[\/vc_column_text][vc_column_text css=\u201c\u201d]<\/p>\n<h2><span style=\"color: #ffffff;\">t<\/span><\/h2>\n<h2>1. What connects Carl Schmitt, Vladimir Putin and Donald&nbsp;Trump?<\/h2>\n<p>Two major powers, the USA and Russia, are negoti\u00adating the future of Ukraine in Riyadh. Ukraine is not at the table. Europe is left out. Are we witnessing a&nbsp;return to the politics of the great powers as in the 19th century? A&nbsp;comparison with the three allied victo\u00adrious powers \u2014 Russia, the USA and Great Britain \u2014 who delin\u00adeated spheres of influence and interests in Yalta in February 1945, seems more relevant than the cabinet policy of the princes of Europe.<a href=\"#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\">[1]<\/a> However, with the difference that there is (still) no \u201cvicto\u00adrious power\u201d at present \u2014 in view of hundreds of thousands of dead and injured, devas\u00adtated cities and landscapes, a&nbsp;demol\u00adished security order in Europe and the fact that Putin has not yet achieved any of his war aims despite his gigantic military machine. However, President Trump\u2019s actions are likely to put Putin on the podium of&nbsp;victory.<\/p>\n<p>An important ideological driving force and pioneer for Putin\u2019s geopo\u00adlitical thinking in large areas and spheres of influence is Carl Schmitt (1888\u20131985), the German professor of consti\u00adtu\u00adtional law and apologist for inter\u00adna\u00adtional law of National Socialist&nbsp;Germany.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p><em>\u201cThe liberal idea of freedom in Western democracy is now histor\u00adi\u00adcally outdated.\u201d (Carl Schmitt<\/em> 1939)<a href=\"#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\">[2]<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>Schmitt is regarded as a&nbsp;reactionary teacher for autocrats, but also as an original thinker on the philosophy of the state and a&nbsp;cultural critic.<a href=\"#_ftn3\" name=\"_ftnref3\">[3]<\/a> As part of a \u201cSchmitt renais\u00adsance\u201d in the face of increased recep\u00adtiveness to conser\u00adv\u00adative thinking worldwide and the rise of right-wing populist movements, he is being inten\u00adsively studied, partic\u00adu\u00adlarly in Russia<a href=\"#_ftn4\" name=\"_ftnref4\">[4]<\/a> , but also in the USA<a href=\"#_ftn5\" name=\"_ftnref5\">[5]<\/a> . Rhetorical set pieces and thought patterns can be traced back to Schmitt in both Putin and&nbsp;Trump.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p><em>\u201c... authority proves that it does not need to be right in order to be right.\u201d (Carl Schmitt 1922)<\/em><a href=\"#_ftn6\" name=\"_ftnref6\">[6]<\/a><\/p>\n<p><em>\u201cJudges aren\u2019t allowed to control the execu\u00adtive\u2019s legit\u00adimate power.\u201d (JD Vance)<\/em><a href=\"#_ftn7\" name=\"_ftnref7\">[7]<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>The similar\u00adities are striking but are not surprising because Schmitt\u2019s theses are ideally suited to populist narra\u00adtives due to their polemical exagger\u00adation.<a href=\"#_ftn8\" name=\"_ftnref8\">[8]<\/a><\/p>\n<blockquote><p><em>\u201c...the \u2018rule of law\u2019 ... means nothing other than the legit\u00adimization of a&nbsp;certain status quo...\u201d (Carl Schmitt 1932)<\/em><a href=\"#_ftn9\" name=\"_ftnref9\">[9]<\/a><\/p>\n<p><em>\u201cHe who saves his Country does not violate any Law.\u201d (Donald Trump about Elon Musk)<\/em><a href=\"#_ftn10\" name=\"_ftnref10\">[10]<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>Essen\u00adtially, there are five core theses from Schmitt\u2019s oeuvre that are reflected in both Trump and&nbsp;Putin:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>The opposition of friend and foe as the essence of the&nbsp;political.<\/li>\n<li>\u201cSovereign is he who decides on the state of exception\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn11\" name=\"_ftnref11\">[11]<\/a>: The exception is the finest hour for disruptive rule-breakers and protag\u00ado\u00adnists of a \u201crevolution from above\u201d, in the USA Trump with the advocates of the \u201cunitary executive theory\u201d, in Russia Putin and the archi\u00adtects of his dictatorship.<\/li>\n<li>Anti-liberal thinking directed against multi\u00adlat\u00ader\u00adalism and a&nbsp;rules-based inter\u00adna\u00adtional order, which is defamed as a \u201ctyranny of values\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn12\" name=\"_ftnref12\">[12]<\/a>.<\/li>\n<li>Defin\u00adition of geopo\u00adlitical \u201cGreater Spaces\u201d instead of a&nbsp;universal order under inter\u00adna\u00adtional law with the estab\u00adlishment of a&nbsp;strategic balance of a&nbsp;few great powers that divide the world among themselves, according to Schmitt a \u201cGreater Space order under inter\u00adna\u00adtional law with a&nbsp;ban on inter\u00advention by powers outside the region\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn13\" name=\"_ftnref13\">[13]<\/a>. Trump and Putin are likely to share the basic idea but differ in their inter\u00adpre\u00adtation. Naturally, Putin empha\u00adsizes the concept of a \u201cmulti\u00adpolar\u201d world with Russia as a&nbsp;great power<a href=\"#_ftn14\" name=\"_ftnref14\">[14]<\/a>. With his claims to Gaza and Greenland, Trump is circum\u00adventing the pure Schmittian doctrine of the \u201cprohi\u00adbition of inter\u00advention by powers outside the region\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn15\" name=\"_ftnref15\">[15]<\/a>.<\/li>\n<li>A few great powers (Schmitt: \u201cempires\u201d, Putin \u201cciviliza\u00adtions\u201d) are at the core of the large areas they dominate. They are the only relevant subjects of inter\u00adna\u00adtional law with the exclusive right to define friend or foe and determine war and peace, to control the foreign and security policy alliances of the states in their sphere of influence, and the bearers of a&nbsp;political idea that permeates their own geopo\u00adlitical hemisphere. <a href=\"#_ftn16\" name=\"_ftnref16\">[16]<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>In Putin\u2019s case, there is evidence of a&nbsp;large number of state\u00adments and actions over the long period since he came to power a&nbsp;quarter of a&nbsp;century ago, which take up Schmitt\u2019s theses, but are situa\u00adtional and context-related and also refer to a&nbsp;wealth of other sources and role models.<a href=\"#_ftn17\" name=\"_ftnref17\">[17]<\/a> With Trump, unlike Putin, \u201cno truly coherent geopo\u00adlitical strategy\u201d is discernible. He is still in \u201cdisruption mode\u201d without a&nbsp;systematic agenda<a href=\"#_ftn18\" name=\"_ftnref18\">[18]<\/a>. However, it is also true that Trump is \u201cprepared, aggressive, strategic\u201d in the early phase of his second term as president, he wants a \u201cbrute revision of America\u2019s internal consti\u00adtution, its enemies and friends\u201d.<a href=\"#_ftn19\" name=\"_ftnref19\">[19]<\/a> Especially when disruption is the mode and permanent polar\u00adization the script for Trump\u2019s daily actions, Schmitt\u2019s \u201cstate of exception\u201d and his friend-enemy opposition as the essence of the political come in handy as explanatory patterns.<\/p>\n<p>It is therefore worth discussing possible overlaps, but also differ\u00adences, in Putin\u2019s and Trump\u2019s foreign policy concepts with the help of Schmitt\u2019s termi\u00adnology with a&nbsp;view to a&nbsp;ceasefire arrangement for Ukraine. To what extent do Putin\u2019s war aims and his concept for the \u201creorga\u00adni\u00adzation of Europe\u201d presented in December 2021<a href=\"#_ftn20\" name=\"_ftnref20\">[20]<\/a> reflect Schmitt\u2019s ideas? Which elements are negotiable for him with regard to the demar\u00adcation and organi\u00adzation of the Russian \u201cgreater space\u201d, and which are not? How do Trump\u2019s ideas relate to this? Does a&nbsp;look through the prism of the \u201cGreater Space Order &nbsp;theory\u201d help explain Trump\u2019s departure from the initially envisaged \u201cpeace through strength\u201d approach<a href=\"#_ftn21\" name=\"_ftnref21\">[21]<\/a> for Ukraine and his scandalous swing towards Putin\u2019s position even before the start of negotiations?<\/p>\n<h2>2. Russia and the \u201cGreater Space&nbsp;Order\u201d<\/h2>\n<p>On April 1, 1939, Schmitt gave a&nbsp;lecture in Kiel, published under the unwieldy title \u201cGreater Spatial &nbsp;Order under Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Law with Prohi\u00adbition of Inter\u00advention by Powers Foreign to Space. A&nbsp;contri\u00adbution to the concept of empire in inter\u00adna\u00adtional law\u201d. The occasion was the 25th anniversary of the Institute for Politics and Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Law at the local university. A&nbsp;few days before the speech, on March 15, the Wehrmacht had invaded Czecho\u00adslo\u00advakia in breach of the Munich Agreement<a href=\"#_ftn22\" name=\"_ftnref22\">[22]<\/a> concluded just a&nbsp;few months earlier, on September 29, 1938. NSDAP member and anti-Semite Schmitt used the occasion to campaign in Kiel for the German \u201cright of protection for German ethnic groups of foreign nation\u00adality\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn23\" name=\"_ftnref23\">[23]<\/a> invented by Hitler as a&nbsp;pretext for the occupation of independent states in violation of inter\u00adna\u00adtional law. Hitler\u2019s so-called \u201cdestruction of the rest of Czecho\u00adslo\u00advakia\u201d laid the appeasement policy of Great Britain and France in ruins and finally buried the European post-war order since 1918\/\u200b19. The incor\u00adpo\u00adration of the neigh\u00adboring country in the southeast was the last military milestone before Nazi Germany\u2019s campaign of conquest and annihi\u00adlation, which began with the invasion of Poland on September 1,&nbsp;1939.<\/p>\n<p>Shortly before, on August 24, 1939, Germany and the Soviet Union had concluded a&nbsp;non-aggression treaty. As a&nbsp;reminder: In the secret additional protocol to the Hitler-Stalin Pact, both dictators had agreed to divide Poland, the Baltic states and Bessarabia into German and Soviet spheres of interest in the event of \u201cterri\u00adtorial-political trans\u00adfor\u00adma\u00adtions\u201d. Today, unlike the Soviet Union in the past, Russia no longer denies the agreement with Nazi Germany with the aim of dismem\u00adbering and dividing up sovereign states in violation of inter\u00adna\u00adtional law. However, Putin justifies it as an act of legit\u00adimate protection of a \u201csurrounded\u201d Soviet Union, claims that Poland is also to blame for the Second World War and even goes so far as to claim that the Baltic states volun\u00adtarily joined the Soviet Union in the fall of 1939.<a href=\"#_ftn24\" name=\"_ftnref24\">[24]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>From this historical distortion on the 75th anniversary of the victory in the \u201cGreat Patriotic War\u201d in 2020, a&nbsp;straight line leads to Putin\u2019s essay \u201cOn the historical unity of Russians and Ukrainians 2021\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn25\" name=\"_ftnref25\">[25]<\/a>, in which he denies Ukraine an independent historical-cultural identity and reduces it to a&nbsp;function of Russia, to the Russian presi\u00addent\u2019s TV address on Day 1&nbsp;of the major Russian attack on Ukraine on 24 February 2022. In it, he accuses the West of aggressive and unilateral action against Russia, above all by expanding NATO eastwards (despite the alleged promise not to move the alliance \u201cone inch\u201d eastwards) and accuses it of creating an \u201canti-Russia that is hostile to us\u201d in Ukraine, on \u201cRussia\u2019s historic land\u201d. In addition, Putin claims that the West is attempting to \u201cdestroy our tradi\u00adtional values and impose its pseudo-values on us\u201d, leading to \u201cdecay and degen\u00ader\u00adation\u201d. Putin thus stylized the war of aggression against Ukraine as an act of legit\u00adimate self-defence against a&nbsp;threat that was putting \u201cour future as a&nbsp;nation\u201d, indeed \u201cthe existence of the state and its sover\u00adeignty\u201d, at risk. He adds that Moscow has no right to repeat its grave historical mistake, which consisted of waiting for the German invasion of the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941 with a&nbsp;policy of <em>appeasement<\/em>. <a href=\"#_ftn26\" name=\"_ftnref26\">[26]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>This is where Carl Schmitt comes into play again, one of the most important intel\u00adlectual godfa\u00adthers of Putin\u2019s thinking in geopo\u00adlitical spaces and spheres of interest. Schmitt\u2019s thinking is based on three&nbsp;premises:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>The old European order, based on sovereign states with equal rights and a&nbsp;rules-based order, has finally come to an&nbsp;end;<\/li>\n<li>the nation state as the sole embod\u00adiment of political unity and holder of the monopoly on political decision-making has had its&nbsp;day;<\/li>\n<li>any \u201ccosmopolitan\u201d-universalist alter\u00adnative to the nation state (\u201cworld government\u201d) would, however, only conceal the actual power politics of a&nbsp;hegemon. <a href=\"#_ftn27\" name=\"_ftnref27\">[27]<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Schmitt postu\u00adlates a&nbsp;multi\u00adpolar world dominated by hegemonic super\u00adpowers as a \u201cnew spatial order\u201d. He speaks out against the global\u00adization of US ideals and norms. This leads to the collapse of spatial borders and contra\u00addicts the \u201cidea of spatial demar\u00adcation\u201d.<a href=\"#_ftn28\" name=\"_ftnref28\">[28]<\/a> In other words, for Schmitt, the post-political idea of cosmopolitan <em>global gover\u00adnance <\/em>is the opposite of inter\u00adna\u00adtional order, which is consti\u00adtuted by large areas divided and separated from one another under inter\u00adna\u00adtional law between major powers .<a href=\"#_ftn29\" name=\"_ftnref29\">[29]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Schmitt\u2019s theories form the breeding ground for perception of the USA as a&nbsp;unilat\u00ader\u00adalist, monop\u00ado\u00adlistic super\u00adpower with a&nbsp;hypocritical fa\u00e7ade as a&nbsp;champion of human rights and a&nbsp;rules-based order that has been emerging in Russia since the early 2000s. With the start of Putin\u2019s third term in office in 2012, his Greater Russia theory became <em>the mainstream <\/em>of foreign and security policy thinking in Moscow. The most important trans\u00admission belt for Schmitt\u2019s thinking is Alexander Dugin, ultra\u00adna\u00adtion\u00adalist political philosopher, chief ideologue of the Russian New Right and advocate of \u201cEurasian imperi\u00adalism\u201d. He is regarded as Putin\u2019s \u201cmastermind\u201d or \u201cwhisperer\u201d \u2014 with high-ranking connec\u00adtions to Washington and even to Trump\u2019s close circle.<a href=\"#_ftn30\" name=\"_ftnref30\">[30]<\/a> Dugin, for whom Schmitt\u2019s Greater Space Theory is the \u201cmost reliable platform for a&nbsp;multi\u00adpolar world, for anti-globalism and the national liber\u00adation struggle against global American domination<a href=\"#_ftn31\" name=\"_ftnref31\">[31]<\/a>, calls for the creation of a \u201cnew Eurasian empire\u201d. Justi\u00adfi\u00adcation: The \u201cexistence of the Russian people as an organic, historical entity\u201d is unthinkable without \u201cempire building\u201d. Any attempt to reduce Russia to the status of a&nbsp;regional power or a&nbsp;European nation state would mean suicide for the Russian people.<a href=\"#_ftn32\" name=\"_ftnref32\">[32]<\/a> Dugin thus applies the concept of <em>empire <\/em>to Russia, which Schmitt defines as&nbsp;follows:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p><em>\u201cEmpires in this sense are the leading and supporting powers whose political idea radiates into a&nbsp;certain large area (<\/em>Grossraum<em>) and which funda\u00admen\u00adtally exclude the inter\u00advention of foreign powers in this large area.\u201d (Carl Schmitt) <\/em><a href=\"#_ftn33\" name=\"_ftnref33\">[33]<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>The core meaning of the Monroe Doctrine for \u201cGreater America\u201d&nbsp;is<\/p>\n<blockquote><p><em>\u201c...a genuine principle of a&nbsp;greater space, namely the combi\u00adnation of a&nbsp;polit\u00adi\u00adcally awakened people, a&nbsp;political idea and a&nbsp;greater space that is polit\u00adi\u00adcally dominated by this idea and excludes foreign intervention...this core, the idea of a&nbsp;greater space order under inter\u00adna\u00adtional law, is trans\u00adferable to other spaces, other historical situa\u00adtions and other friend-foe groupings.\u201d (Carl Schmitt)<\/em><a href=\"#_ftn34\" name=\"_ftnref34\">[34]<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>Against this backdrop, Dugin identifies four global metro\u00adpolitan areas or \u201cempires\u201d (in Schmitt\u2019s diction, \u201crealms\u201d): The Atlantic Greater Space around the USA, the Asian Greater Space around China, the European Greater Space, and finally the Eurasian Greater Space around Russia. The latter three areas should expand, while the American \u201cempire\u201d should withdraw with its global\u00adization claims.<a href=\"#_ftn35\" name=\"_ftnref35\">[35]<\/a> Russia had to be the center of power in its own hemisphere and form a&nbsp;strong counter\u00adweight to the other metro\u00adpolitan areas around the USA and China. Alexei Drobinin, head of the foreign policy planning department at the Russian Foreign Ministry, draws the circle of great powers or what he calls \u201cciviliza\u00adtions\u201d wider than Dugin, including the global South. According to him, a \u201ccivilization\u201d must fulfil three criteria: <em>firstly<\/em>, the capability &nbsp;and will to carry out &nbsp;a&nbsp;sovereign and independent domestic and foreign policy; <em>secondly<\/em>, compre\u00adhensive economic, military, demographic, scien\u00adtific and techno\u00adlogical potential; <em>thirdly<\/em>, an \u201cauthentic philosophy of devel\u00adopment\u201d with its own cultural and spiritual potential and its own \u201csignature vision\u201d&nbsp; of inter\u00adna\u00adtional politics. These criteria were met by \u201ccivilization-states\u201d or \u201cciviliza\u00adtional common\u00adwealths\u201d such as Russia, China, India, Southeast Asia (ASEAN community), the Arab world and the Muslim Ummah, Africa, Latin America\/\u200bCaribbean and the \u201cWestern civilization\u201d with its Anglo-American and European compo\u00adnents. <a href=\"#_ftn36\" name=\"_ftnref36\">[36]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Schmitt defines <em>states <\/em>that stand in the shadow of <em>empires <\/em>and are located in their metro\u00adpolitan areas as entities with limited sover\u00adeignty and a&nbsp;lack of subjec\u00adtivity under inter\u00adna\u00adtional law, without the power to differ\u00aden\u00adtiate between friend and foe (and therefore without the ability to shape their own policies) and without the right to join inter\u00adna\u00adtional alliances. The claim by Vladislav Surkov, deputy head of the Kremlin admin\u00adis\u00adtration at the time and Putin\u2019s Ukraine envoy from 2013\u20132020, that states like Ukraine have never been sovereign on a&nbsp;single day of their existence, fits in with this. <a href=\"#_ftn37\" name=\"_ftnref37\">[37]<\/a><\/p>\n<p><em>In summary, <\/em>the Russian political elite around Putin agrees on the following four core elements that define Russia as a&nbsp;great power:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Russia does not define itself within its borders as a&nbsp;nation state, but draws its identity as a&nbsp;hegemonic power from a&nbsp;larger space that transcends its own&nbsp;borders;<\/li>\n<li>Russia thus exercises power over states with limited sover\u00adeignty within its metro\u00adpolitan&nbsp;area;<\/li>\n<li>Russia is the protag\u00adonist of a&nbsp;political \u201cidea\u201d that \u201cunites\u201d the peoples in its metro\u00adpolitan&nbsp;area;<\/li>\n<li>the Russian metro\u00adpolitan area is exclusive, a&nbsp;military presence of third powers is inadmis\u00adsible.<a href=\"#_ftn38\" name=\"_ftnref38\">[38]<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>However, there is an inherent contra\u00addiction in this structure, which is concep\u00adtually already present in Schmitt.<a href=\"#_ftn39\" name=\"_ftnref39\">[39]<\/a> It is about the effec\u00adtiveness or scope of the \u201cpolitical idea\u201d, which, according to Schmitt, must always remain \u201cbound\u201d to its respective space and must not become universal. The claim of univer\u00adsality of human rights, for example, is an expression of \u201cimperi\u00adalism\u201d and could turn into a&nbsp;global \u201ctyranny of values\u201d, which would lead to the breaking of spatial borders and thus to the collapse of the inter\u00adna\u00adtional legal order. <a href=\"#_ftn40\" name=\"_ftnref40\">[40]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>It was precisely along these lines that Putin argued in his memorable speech at the Munich Security Conference on February 10, 2007, accusing the West of misusing the OSCE to interfere in the internal affairs of Russia and other countries under the pretext of protecting human rights, \u201cin order to impose on these states how they should live and develop.\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn41\" name=\"_ftnref41\">[41]<\/a> This narrative, often coupled with the accusation of applying \u201cdouble standards\u201d (such as \u201cselective\u201d verifi\u00adcation of compliance with human rights and funda\u00admental freedoms only \u201ceast of Vienna\u201d), has&nbsp; been for a&nbsp;long time a&nbsp;common thread running through discus\u00adsions in the OSCE Permanent Council in Vienna or other relevant dialog forums with&nbsp;Russia.<\/p>\n<p><em>At the same time<\/em>, however, Russia is using the \u201cRussian values\u201d revived under Putin, a&nbsp;combi\u00adnation of tradi\u00adtional Christian family values, the symbiosis of the state and the Russian Orthodox Church<a href=\"#_ftn42\" name=\"_ftnref42\">[42]<\/a> and the concept of a \u201cstrong\u201d, author\u00adi\u00adtarian state as a&nbsp;bulwark against <em>regime change <\/em>and \u201ccolor revolu\u00adtions\u201d, as instru\u00adments of criticism of the \u201cWest\u201d and its alleged \u201cmoral decadence\u201d. This also involves the massive use of social media to divide Western societies, strengthen right-wing populist movements<a href=\"#_ftn43\" name=\"_ftnref43\">[43]<\/a> and undermine the political systems in the West. Russia thus contra\u00addicts itself when, on the one hand, it does every\u00adthing in its power to enforce \u201cRussian values\u201d globally, while on the other hand questioning the validity of universal values such as human rights and funda\u00admental freedoms with reference to Russia\u2019s alleged special historical and cultural position and its sphere of interest. For this reason, Putin\u2019s justi\u00adfi\u00adcation for claiming Moscow\u2019s exclusive right to determine the internal consti\u00adtution and foreign policy orien\u00adtation of Ukraine (protection of the \u201cRussian idea\u201d from the negative influence of \u201chostile powers\u201d) lacks any credibility.<\/p>\n<h2>3. Putin, Trump and the Ukraine negotiations<\/h2>\n<p>Against the background of Schmitt\u2019s Greater Space Theory, it becomes crystal clear what Putin&nbsp;wants:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>The \u201crestoration\u201d or \u201ccompletion\u201d of the \u201cGreater Russia\u201d on the territory of the Soviet&nbsp;Union<\/li>\n<li>Limited sover\u00adeignty for Ukraine as part of the \u201cGreater Russia\u201d. Right of veto for Russia in the choice of foreign policy alliances and the appli\u00adcation of external security guarantees by Ukraine. Influence or even military presence of \u201cexternal powers\u201d is undesirable. From Moscow\u2019s point of view, NATO membership is therefore out of the question. An EU accession process, on the other hand, can be&nbsp;negotiated.<\/li>\n<li>Neutral, non-aligned status with permanent renun\u00adci\u00adation of nuclear weapons. At best, the military should be reduced to a&nbsp;minimum that could not offer Russia any serious&nbsp;resistance.<\/li>\n<li>Mutation of Ukraine from an \u201canti-Russia\u201d into a&nbsp;vassal of Moscow. Selensky resigns as \u201cillegit\u00adimate leader\u201d in favor of a&nbsp;Russia-friendly president before a&nbsp;ceasefire agreement is&nbsp;signed.<\/li>\n<li>Overcoming the schism of Russian Orthodoxy in order to make Ukraine a&nbsp;loyal supporter and bearer of the \u201cRussian idea\u201d that permeates the greater Russian region. This is one of Putin\u2019s central political concerns. \u201cReuni\u00adfi\u00adcation\u201d of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU) (independent since 2019) with the Russian Orthodox Church, whereby the OCU is to be subor\u00addi\u00adnated to the Moscow Patriarchate.<\/li>\n<li>In Putin\u2019s imperial view, Ukraine, as the cradle of Kyiv Rus, is the most important member of the Russian Greater Region (<em>Russky Mir<\/em>), without \u2014 with the exception of Crimea \u2014 <em>having to <\/em>be part of the territory of the Russian Feder\u00adation. As long as Ukraine as a&nbsp;whole submits to all the afore\u00admen\u00adtioned demands, terri\u00adtorial claims to parts of its territory do not play a&nbsp;decisive role.<\/li>\n<li>Formation of a&nbsp;<em>cordon sanitaire <\/em>of states without the presence of troops from NATO third countries to guarantee the integrity of the Greater Russia area. The Russian draft agreement sent to NATO on December 17, 2021 stipu\u00adlates that the \u201cold\u201d NATO states (as of May 27, 1997, the date of the NATO-Russia Founding Act) undertake not to station armed forces and armaments in other European states, including the 16 \u201cnew\u201d NATO member states (Art. 4). This would mean, for example, the withdrawal of the Bundeswehr brigade from Lithuania. Additional expansion of NATO must be stopped (Art. 6). NATO states may not conduct any military activ\u00adities on the territory of Ukraine, other states in Eastern Europe, the Southern Caucasus and Central Asia (Art. 7). <a href=\"#_ftn44\" name=\"_ftnref44\">[44]<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>The following are therefore non-negotiable for&nbsp;Russia<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Exclusion of NATO accession and \u201cneutral\u00adization\u201d of&nbsp;Ukraine<\/li>\n<li>Subor\u00addi\u00adnation of Ukrainian domestic and foreign policy to Russia, Moscow\u2019s say in external security&nbsp;guarantees<\/li>\n<li>Ending or at least substan\u00adtially reducing the NATO troop presence in Eastern&nbsp;Europe.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>These are Putin\u2019s central war aims. Putin currently rejects the deployment of foreign troops, including from EU states, as a&nbsp;security guarantee for Ukraine. However, it cannot be ruled out that he could ultimately agree to a \u201cmanageable\u201d EU military presence (but not US troops!) west of Dnipro and possibly Chinese troops not far from the front&nbsp;line.<\/p>\n<p>Putin is unlikely to back down on his terri\u00adtorial claims in the upcoming negoti\u00ada\u00adtions. Moscow declared the Ukrainian terri\u00adtories of Kherson, Zapor\u00adizhzhia, Luhansk and Donetsk to be part of the Russian Feder\u00adation by law in October 2022, although Russia has so far only occupied parts of these terri\u00adtories in violation of inter\u00adna\u00adtional law. Russia \u201cneeds\u201d its troops there to be able to escalate the conflict again at any time, even after a&nbsp;ceasefire in order to keep Ukraine and Europe under pressure. Never\u00adtheless, a&nbsp;negoti\u00adation scenario is conceivable in which Putin could be \u201cflexible\u201d with regard to Kherson or Zapor\u00adizhia (or parts thereof), depending on what he is \u201coffered\u201d in return. The prereq\u00aduisite for any reduction in Moscow\u2019s terri\u00adtorial claims is that Ukraine, from Putin\u2019s point of view, is irrev\u00ado\u00adcably \u201cintegrated\u201d into the Russian&nbsp;orbit.<\/p>\n<p>Against this backdrop, what does Trump\u2019s shift from a \u201cpeace through strength\u201d approach to a&nbsp;policy of appeasement, which relin\u00adquishes almost all negoti\u00adating positions <em>ab initio<\/em>, mean? Until recently the approach of his Ukraine envoy, retired General Keith Kellogg, was considered a&nbsp;foregone conclusion:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Continued military support for Ukraine by the&nbsp;USA,<\/li>\n<li>Ukraine\u2019s partic\u00adi\u00adpation in peace&nbsp;talks,<\/li>\n<li>Postponement (\u201cto put off\u201d) of NATO membership for an extended period in exchange for a&nbsp;compre\u00adhensive and verifiable peace settlement with security&nbsp;guarantees,<\/li>\n<li>Creation of a&nbsp;demil\u00adi\u00adta\u00adrized zone to secure the ceasefire.<a href=\"#_ftn45\" name=\"_ftnref45\">[45]<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Instead, Trump has now fully toed Putin\u2019s line, with the exception of the deployment of European troops in Ukraine, which Moscow&nbsp;rejects:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Peace talks until further notice only at the level of the \u201csuper\u00adpowers\u201d USA and Russia, negoti\u00ada\u00adtions are being conducted over the heads of Ukraine and the&nbsp;EU.<\/li>\n<li>Refusal of Ukraine\u2019s accession to&nbsp;NATO.<\/li>\n<li>Adoption of Putin\u2019s rhetoric, discred\u00aditing the President of Ukraine as a \u201cdictator without elections\u201d and blaming Kyiv for starting the conflict (\u201cYou should never have started it\u201d, as he&nbsp;said).<\/li>\n<li>Taking advantage of Ukraine\u2019s wartime distress to achieve &nbsp;&nbsp;a \u201crare earth minerals&nbsp;deal\u201d,<\/li>\n<li>Under\u00admining the hitherto large majority within the UN framework in condemning Russia as an aggressor,bypassing the General Assembly and adopting a&nbsp;gutted, pro-Moscow Ukraine resolution together with Russia in the Security Council on February 24 this year. <a href=\"#_ftn46\" name=\"_ftnref46\">[46]<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>What explains this devas\u00adtating shift in negoti\u00adating tactics with the abandonment of almost all indis\u00adpensable negoti\u00adating positions? It is highly unlikely that Trump \u2014 for all his sympathy for Carl Schmitt\u2019s friend-foe dichotomy or the doctrine of the state of exception &nbsp;in order to undermine the separation of powers \u2014 would want to adopt Schmitt\u2019s theory of the Greater United States as his agenda. Observers agree that the focus for him is on the business trans\u00adaction, the \u201cdeal\u201d, and not, as for Putin, questions of sover\u00adeignty and securing great power status. For Trump, the latter are a&nbsp;means to an end, but not an end in themselves. This explains why Trump is against the costly deployment of US troops or even against Ukraine joining NATO and is pursuing a \u201ccommodities deal\u201d in order to \u201crecoup\u201d US budget funds spent on supporting Kyiv.&nbsp; Never\u00adtheless, in terms of negoti\u00adating tactics, it remains inexplicable why Trump is giving away key negoti\u00adating positions from the outset and not using them as a \u201cbargaining chip\u201d. Putin would have sat down at the table with Trump even with signif\u00adi\u00adcantly lower advance&nbsp;payments.<\/p>\n<p>A look at the personnel table of the negotiators involved so far also makes the asymmetry to the detriment of Ukraine and European concerns&nbsp;clear:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>On February 18, the US Secretary of State Marco Rubio (born 1971), <em>National Security Advisor <\/em>Michael Waltz (born 1974) and Trump\u2019s Middle East Repre\u00adsen\u00adtative Steve Witkoff (born 1957) were sitting at the table in Riyadh. Rubio, Senator for Florida since 2011, and Waltz, a&nbsp;former Army Special Forces soldier&nbsp; &nbsp;and member of the House of Repre\u00adsen\u00adta\u00adtives from 2019 to 2025, have no foreign policy experience in the executive branch to date, and above all no recog\u00adnizable expertise on Russia or Ukraine. The most important person in the US delegation is lawyer, real estate mogul and close Trump confidant Witkoff, who has good connec\u00adtions to the Russian businessman and head of Russia\u2019s state investment fund<a href=\"#_ftn47\" name=\"_ftnref47\">[47]<\/a> , Kirill Dmitriev (*1975), an economist, banker and consultant&nbsp; who studied in the US and worked at Goldman Sachs and McKinsey. He has had close working relations with Putin for a&nbsp;long time.<a href=\"#_ftn48\" name=\"_ftnref48\">[48]<\/a> Trump had sent his Ukraine and Russia envoy, former General Keith Kellogg (*1944), to Kyiv for the duration of the meeting in&nbsp;Riyadh.<\/li>\n<li>Dimitriyev attended the meeting in Riyadh as a&nbsp;member of the Russian delegation \u2014 in the second row, behind Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov (*1950) and Putin\u2019s foreign and security policy advisor Yuri Ushakov (*1947). Lavrov is an experi\u00adenced diplomat (since 1972) and has been Foreign Minister since 2004 \u2014 with good prospects of equaling the 28-year term of office of his Soviet prede\u00adcessor Andrei Gromyko. Ushakov had already joined the Russian Foreign Ministry in 1970, two years before Lavrov. Both have many years of US experience, Lavrov with two assign\u00adments at Russia\u2019s UN repre\u00adsen\u00adtation in New York (1994\u20132004 as ambas\u00adsador), Ushakov as ambas\u00adsador in Washington (1998\u20132008). Both are intimately familiar with the details of the Ukraine dossier, Ushakov as head of the Russian negoti\u00adating team for the Minsk II agreement, among other things.<a href=\"#_ftn49\" name=\"_ftnref49\">[49]<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>One thing is clear: based on the compo\u00adsition of the negoti\u00adating delega\u00adtions and the current level of foreign policy expertise, the Russian side should easily outperform the USA. It speaks volumes that Trump is not focusing on foreign and security policy, but rather on business experience with the appointment of heavy\u00adweight Witkoff. <a href=\"#_ftn50\" name=\"_ftnref50\">[50]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>It is therefore urgent for the EU to get involved in the negoti\u00ada\u00adtions at a&nbsp;high level, force\u00adfully and with a&nbsp;clear concept and prevent a&nbsp;US-Russian deal from being concluded over the heads of Ukraine and the European Union. The new German government must play a&nbsp;prominent role here, as quickly as possible and closely alongside France and Poland. In order for Putin to under\u00adstand the message, Europe will have to prove that it also wants to and will develop into a&nbsp;military <em>power\u00adhouse <\/em>- certainly also as a \u201cGreater Europe\u201d.[\/vc_column_text][vc_column_text css=\u201c\u201d]<span style=\"color: #ffffff;\">t<\/span><\/p>\n<h3>Footnotes<\/h3>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn1\"><\/b>[1] Ralf F\u00fccks, for example, who also refers to Trump\u2019s shift towards large-scale power politics. In: DER SPIEGEL Online, February 13, 2025, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.spiegel.de\/ausland\/ukraine-donald-trump-uebernimmt-die-sichtweise-aus-russland-und-china-gastbeitrag-a-1dc18d52-b486-4c40-b012-0de2b7d36442\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https:\/\/www.spiegel.de\/ausland\/ukraine-donald-trump-uebernimmt-die-sichtweise-aus-russland-und-china-gastbeitrag-a-1dc18d52-b486-4c40-b012-0de2b7d36442<\/a><\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn2\"><\/b>[2] Carl Schmitt, Greater Spatial Order under Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Law with a&nbsp;Prohi\u00adbition of Inter\u00advention by Non-Spatial Powers. A&nbsp;contri\u00adbution to the concept of empire in inter\u00adna\u00adtional law (1939), Berlin&nbsp;2022.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn3\"><\/b>[3] Cf. e.g. Paul Noack, Carl Schmitt: Eine Biographie. Berlin and Frankfurt\/\u200bMain&nbsp;1993.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn4\"><\/b>[4] Alexander Dugin, ultra\u00adna\u00adtion\u00adalist political philosopher, chief ideologue of the Russian New Right and advocate of \u201cEurasian imperi\u00adalism\u201d, is considered the most important mediator of Schmitt\u2019s thinking in Russia, see also p. 6&nbsp;below.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn5\"><\/b>[5] Cf. notes 7&nbsp;and 30. The most important mediator of Carl Schmitt\u2019s thought in the USA is the German-American political philosopher Leo Strauss (1899\u20131973). 1949\u20131969 Professor at the University of Chicago, one of the most important theoretical thinkers for the US <em>neocons. <\/em>As a&nbsp;Jewish scientist, he went to France before the beginning of the Nazi dicta\u00adtorship on a&nbsp;Rocke\u00adfeller schol\u00adarship (advisor Carl Schmitt), then to Cambridge\/\u200bUK. Cf. Stephan Steiner, Weimar in America. Leo Strauss\u2019 Politische Philosophie, Schriften\u00adreihe wissenschaftlicher Abhand\u00adlungen des Leo Baeck Instituts 76, T\u00fcbingen 2013. There are close ties between the conser\u00adv\u00adative political scientist Patrick Deneen (Catholic <em>University of Notre Dame<\/em>, Indiana), Strauss adept and winner of the <em>Leo Strauss Award for the Best Disser\u00adtation in Political Philosophy<\/em>, and Vice President JD Vance (infor\u00admation provided by former ambas\u00adsador Dr. Hans-Ulrich Seidt).<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn6\"><\/b>[6] Carl Schmitt, Political Theology. Four Chapters on the Doctrine of Sover\u00adeignty (1922), Berlin&nbsp;2021.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn7\"><\/b>[7] US Vice President JD Vance, X&nbsp;of 9.2. 2025, 16:13. Vance is close to the far-right monar\u00adchist Curtis Yarvin, see TAZ of 18.2. 2025, <a href=\"https:\/\/taz.de\/Donald-Trump-gegen-den-Rechtsstaat\/!6066964\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https:\/\/taz.de\/Donald-Trump-gegen-den-Rechtsstaat\/!6066964\/<\/a>. See also&nbsp;&nbsp; https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/us-news\/2024\/dec\/21\/curtis-yarvin-trump. Yarvin said in an interview on September 29, 2024: \u201c<em>But there\u2019s another problem with liber\u00adtar\u00adi\u00adanism, which we could call Carl Schmitt\u2019s problem. There\u2019s this very English and American idea of \u201cthe rule of law, not men.\u201d In a&nbsp;place like Iran, they would talk about \u201cthe rule of God, not men,\u201d or rather \u201cthe rule of Allah, not men.\u201d But it\u2019s always a&nbsp;person deciding what God thinks. When you examine the issue of the rule of law, you see that it\u2019s always ultimately the rule of someone who claims to know how to interpret the law.<\/em>\u201d <a href=\"https:\/\/rage-culture.com\/en\/conversation-with-curtis-yarvin\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https:\/\/rage-culture.com\/en\/conversation-with-curtis-yarvin\/<\/a>. See also Courtney Hodrick, From Neore\u00adaction to Alt-Right: A&nbsp;Schmittian Perspective. In: Telos 198 (Spring 2022), 90\u2013112. <a href=\"http:\/\/journal.telospress.com\/content\/2022\/198\/90.full.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">http:\/\/journal.telospress.com\/content\/2022\/198\/90.full.pdf<\/a><\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn8\"><\/b>[8] Schmitt was a \u201cman of the polemical treatise, the pamphlet. He found his true literary form in what the French call a&nbsp;<em>br\u00fblot<\/em>: an inflam\u00admable text, a&nbsp;boat with a&nbsp;highly flammable cargo, designed to set fire to the opponent\u2019s ship.\u201d Christoph Sch\u00f6n\u00adberger, Values as a&nbsp;Danger for the Law? Carl Schmitt and the Karlsruhe Republic. Afterword to Carl Schmitt, Die Tyrannei der Werte (1960), Berlin 2020,&nbsp;57.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn9\"><\/b>[9] Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political (1932), Berlin 2015,&nbsp;61.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn10\"><\/b>[10] @realDonaldTrump, X&nbsp;from 15.2. 2025, 19:32<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn11\"><\/b>[11] Carl Schmitt (1922),&nbsp;13.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn12\"><\/b>[12] Carl Schmitt (1960).<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn13\"><\/b>[13] Carl Schmitt (1939).<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn14\"><\/b>[14] In contrast to a \u201cunipolar\u201d world order dominated solely by the USA. From Trump\u2019s perspective, however, a&nbsp;restoration of the \u201cunipolar moment\u201d of the early 1990s with a&nbsp;USA \u201crespon\u00adsible\u201d for the consti\u00adtution of the entire world would be unreal\u00adistic and, moreover, undesirable given the radically changed geopo\u00adlitical realities since then, especially the rise of&nbsp;China<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn15\"><\/b>[15] In doing so, he also under\u00admines the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, which for Schmitt provides the historical starting point for his Greater Space Theory. However, this remains \u201charmless\u201d as long as Trump does not get in the way of the protag\u00ado\u00adnists of the other relevant super\u00adpowers Putin (Russky Mir or Eurasia) and Xi Jinping (Chinese&nbsp;Dream).<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn16\"><\/b>[16] In the language of Schmitt: \u201c... the combi\u00adnation of a&nbsp;polit\u00adi\u00adcally awakened people, a&nbsp;political idea and a&nbsp;large area polit\u00adi\u00adcally dominated by this idea and excluding foreign intervention\u201d.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn17\"><\/b>[17] Cf. Erik Piccoli, Carl Schmitt and the Putin Regime. <em>Illib\u00ader\u00adalism <\/em>Studies Program Working Papers. Institute for European, Russian and Eurasian Studies, The George Washington University, January 2024,&nbsp;17.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn18\"><\/b>[18] DER SPIEGEL 9\/\u200b2025,&nbsp;16.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn19\"><\/b>[19] Constanze Stelzen\u00adm\u00fcller, The situation is serious, take it seriously! In: <em>Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Politics <\/em>No. 2 (March\/\u200bApril 2025),&nbsp;61.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn20\"><\/b>[20] Cf. the Russian draft&nbsp; <em>&nbsp;Agreement on Measures to ensure the Security of the Russian Feder\u00adation and Member States of the North Atlantic Treaty Organi\u00adzation<\/em>, 17.12.2021. <a href=\"https:\/\/mid.ru\/ru\/foreign_policy\/rso\/nato\/1790803\/?lang=en\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https:\/\/mid.ru\/ru\/foreign_policy\/rso\/nato\/1790803\/?lang=en<\/a><\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn21\"><\/b>[21] See Keith Kellogg &amp;&nbsp;Fred Fleitz, America First, Russia and Ukraine. Research Report\/\u200bCenter for American Security, AFPI (America First Policy Institute), 9.4.2024. <a href=\"https:\/\/americafirstpolicy.com\/assets\/uploads\/files\/Research_Report_-_America_First%2C_Russia%2C___Ukraine.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https:\/\/americafirstpolicy.com\/assets\/uploads\/files\/Research_Report_-_America_First%2C_Russia%2C___Ukraine.pdf<\/a><\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn22\"><\/b>[22] In Munich, only Adolf Hitler (Nazi Germany), Neville Chamberlain (United Kingdom), \u00c9douard Daladier (France) and Benito Mussolini (Italy) sat at the table. The President of Czecho\u00adslo\u00advakia, Edvard Bene\u0161, was not invited. The agreement dictated that the government of Czecho\u00adslo\u00advakia \u201cevacuate\u201d the Czechoslovak Sudetenland between October 1\u201310,1939. For more infor\u00admation, see J\u00fcrgen Zarusky\/\u200bMartin Z\u00fcckert (eds.), Das M\u00fcnchener Abkommen von 1938&nbsp;in europ\u00e4ischer Perspektive, Munich&nbsp;2013.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn23\"><\/b>[23] Carl Schmitt (1939), op. cit.,&nbsp;46.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn24\"><\/b>[24] Vladimir Putin, 75th Anniversary of the Great Victory: Shared Respon\u00adsi\u00adbility to History and Our Future, Moscow 2020. <a href=\"http:\/\/static.kremlin.ru\/media\/events\/files\/en\/VlMXXg4uCU1WOilGCMNzd8sPyIujZg3y.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">http:\/\/static.kremlin.ru\/media\/events\/files\/en\/VlMXXg4uCU1WOilGCMNzd8sPyIujZg3y.pdf<\/a>. Historian Karl Schl\u00f6gel in an interview with Deutsche Welle in June 2020, according to the DW website: \u201cIt has something to do with the present. He (Putin, <em>the author<\/em>) is instru\u00admen\u00adtal\u00adizing the inter\u00adpre\u00adtation of history for his current policy. It is an attempt to portray Poland, Ukraine and the Baltic states as reactionary, nation\u00adalist and, to a&nbsp;large extent, anti-Semitic. It is an attempt to isolate these countries.\u201d <a href=\"https:\/\/www.dw.com\/de\/hitler-stalin-pakt-putins-geschichtsklitterung\/a-53878252\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https:\/\/www.dw.com\/de\/hitler-stalin-pakt-putins-geschichtsklitterung\/a\u201153878252<\/a><\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn25\"><\/b>[25] (\u041e\u0431 \u0438\u0441\u0442\u043e\u0440\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u043e\u043c \u0435\u0434\u0438\u043d\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0435 \u0440\u0443\u0441\u0441\u043a\u0438\u0445 \u0438&nbsp;\u0443\u043a\u0440\u0430\u0438\u043d\u0446\u0435\u0432), published on July 12, 2021. <a href=\"http:\/\/kremlin.ru\/events\/president\/news\/66181\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">http:\/\/kremlin.ru\/events\/president\/news\/66181<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn26\"><\/b>[26] Decla\u00adration of war. The speech by the Russian President on the morning of February 24, 2022. <a href=\"https:\/\/zeitschrift-osteuropa.de\/blog\/vladimir-putin-ansprache-am-fruehen-morgen-des-24.2.2022\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https:\/\/zeitschrift-osteuropa.de\/blog\/vladimir-putin-ansprache-am-fruehen-morgen-des-24.2.2022\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn27\"><\/b>[27] Summary according to David G. Lewis, Russia\u2019s New Author\u00adi\u00adtar\u00adi\u00adanism. Putin and the Politics of Order, Edinburgh University Press 2020,&nbsp;163.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn28\"><\/b>[28] Carl Schmitt (1939), \u2018Gro\u00dfraum versus Univer\u00adsalism: The inter\u00adna\u00adtional&nbsp;Legal Struggle over the Monroe Doctrine\u2019, trans. by M. Hannah, in S. Legg (ed.),&nbsp;Spatiality, Sover\u00adeignty and Carl Schmitt: Geogra\u00adphies of the Nomos, Abingdon:&nbsp;Routledge 2011, 46\u201354.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn29\"><\/b>[29] David G. Lewis, op. cit.,&nbsp;164.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn30\"><\/b>[30] Including Steve Bannon, Stephen Miller (now <em>Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy and Homeland Security Adviser<\/em>) and Trump himself, according to Brandon Hawk, Why far-right nation\u00adalists like Steve Bannon have embraced a&nbsp;Russian ideologue. In: The Washington Post, April 16,&nbsp;2019.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn31\"><\/b>[31] A. Dugin, \u0427\u0435\u0442\u0432\u0435\u0440\u0442\u0430\u044f \u043f\u043e\u043b\u0438\u0442\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u0430\u044f \u0442\u0435\u043e\u0440\u0438\u044f. \u0420\u043e\u0441\u0441\u0438\u044f \u0438&nbsp;\u043f\u043e\u043b\u0438\u0442\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u0438\u0435 \u0438\u0434\u0435\u0438 XXI \u0432\u0435\u043a\u0430 (The fourth political theory. Russia and the political ideas of the 21st century), St. Petersburg 2009,&nbsp;214.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn32\"><\/b>[32] A. Dugin, \u041e\u0441\u043d\u043e\u0432\u044b \u0433\u0435\u043e\u043f\u043e\u043b\u0438\u0442\u0438\u043a\u0438. \u0413\u0435\u043e\u043f\u043e\u043b\u0438\u0442\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u043e\u0435 \u0431\u0443\u0434\u0443\u0449\u0435\u0435 \u0420\u043e\u0441\u0441\u0438\u0438 (Funda\u00admentals of Geopol\u00aditics. The Geopo\u00adlitical Future of Russia), Moscow 1997, 121f., 109f.,&nbsp;113.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn33\"><\/b>[33] Carl Schmitt (1939), op. cit.,&nbsp;49.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn34\"><\/b>[34] Op. cit.&nbsp;30.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn35\"><\/b>[35] Summary &nbsp;according to David G. Lewis, op. cit.&nbsp;186f.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn36\"><\/b>[36] Alexei Drobinin, The Vision of a&nbsp;Multi\u00adpolar World: The Civiliza\u00adtional Factor and Russia\u2019s Place in the Emerging World Order. In: Russia in Global Affairs, 20.2. 2023, <a href=\"https:\/\/eng.globalaffairs.ru\/articles\/the-vision-of-a-multipolar-world\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https:\/\/eng.globalaffairs.ru\/articles\/the-vision-of-a-multipolar-world\/<\/a><\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn37\"><\/b>[37] Vladislav Surkov, , \u0421\u0443\u0432\u0435\u0440\u0435\u043d\u0438\u0442\u0435\u0442 \u2014 \u044d\u0442\u043e \u043f\u043e\u043b\u0438\u0442\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u043a\u0438\u0439 \u0441\u0438\u043d\u043e\u043d\u0438\u043c \u043a\u043e\u043d\u043a\u0443\u0440\u0435\u043d\u0442\u043e\u0441\u043f\u043e\u0441\u043e\u0431\u043d\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0438 (Sover\u00adeignty is the political synonym of compet\u00adi\u00adtiveness). Lecture at the Center for Party Studies and Training of Leaders of the United Russia Party on June 9, 2006. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.newkaliningrad.ru\/news\/politics\/99871-.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https:\/\/www.newkaliningrad.ru\/news\/politics\/99871-.html<\/a><\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn38\"><\/b>[38] This concise summary comes from David G. Lewis, op. cit.&nbsp;171.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn39\"><\/b>[39] Thus David G. Lewis, op. cit.,&nbsp;180ff.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn40\"><\/b>[40] Cf. Schmitt (1939), op. cit., passim, e.g. the criticism of Wilson\u2019s 14 points of January 22, 2017 as an expression of \u201cboundless inter\u00adven\u00adtionism\u201d and the point \u201cat which the policy of the United States turns away from its native soil and enters into an alliance with the world and human imperi\u00adalism of the British Empire\u201d (41). Or his criticism of the practice of minority protection at the League of Nations: \u201cThe under\u00adlying liberal-individ\u00adu\u00adal\u00adistic and therefore univer\u00adsal\u00adistic construction of minority protection was the basis for the control and inter\u00advention of the foreign-spatial Western powers in the European East via the univer\u00adsal\u00adistic League of Nations in Geneva.\u201d (op. cit.,&nbsp;45f.)<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn41\"><\/b>[41] Speech by Russian President Vladimir Putin at the 43rd Munich Security Conference. Speech and the Following Discussion at the Munich Conference on Security Policy, February 10, 2007. <a href=\"http:\/\/en.kremlin.ru\/events\/president\/transcripts\/24034\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">http:\/\/en.kremlin.ru\/events\/president\/transcripts\/24034<\/a><\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn42\"><\/b>[42] Cf. Regina Elsner, Identity, Values and the Russian Orthodox Church. In: Christian Str\u00f6bele et al. (eds.), Recht\u00adspop\u00adulismus und Religion: Heraus\u00adforderungen f\u00fcr Chris\u00adtentum und Islam, Regensburg 2023, 281\u2013290.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn43\"><\/b>[43] Cf. Arndt Freytag von Loringhoven\/\u200bLeon Erlen\u00adhorst, Putin\u2019s Attack on Germany. Disin\u00adfor\u00admation, propa\u00adganda, cyber\u00adat\u00adtacks, Berlin&nbsp;2024.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn44\"><\/b>[44] Cf. note&nbsp;19.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn45\"><\/b>[45] Lt. Gen. (Ret.) Keith Kellogg &amp;&nbsp;Fred Fleitz, America First, Russia and Ukraine<em>. America First Policy Institute (AFPI) Research Report<\/em>, 9.4.&nbsp;2024.<\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn46\"><\/b>[46] VN-SR 2774 (2025). <a href=\"https:\/\/docs.un.org\/en\/S\/RES\/2774(2025)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https:\/\/docs.un.org\/en\/S\/RES\/2774(2025)<\/a><\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn47\"><\/b>[47] Russian Direct Investment Fund (RDIF), \u0420\u043e\u0441\u0441\u0438\u0439\u0441\u043a\u0438\u0439 \u0444\u043e\u043d\u0434 \u043f\u0440\u044f\u043c\u044b\u0445 \u0438\u043d\u0432\u0435\u0441\u0442\u0438\u0446\u0438\u0439. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.rdif.ru\/Eng_Index\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https:\/\/www.rdif.ru\/Eng_Index\/<\/a><\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn48\"><\/b>[48] Cf. e.g. <em>Newsweek <\/em>of 13.02. 2025, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.newsweek.com\/kirill-dmitriev-putin-trump-talks-russia-2030494\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https:\/\/www.newsweek.com\/kirill-dmitriev-putin-trump-talks-russia-2030494<\/a><\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn49\"><\/b>[49] Cf. Johannes Regen\u00adbrecht, The Minsk Agree\u00adments 10 Years After: 10 Lessons learned for future Negoti\u00ada\u00adtions with Moscow. Policy Paper, <em>Center for Liberal Modernity, <\/em>January 2025. <a href=\"https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/the-minsk-agreements-10-years-after-10-lessons-learned-for-future-negotiations-with-moscow\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/the-minsk-agreements-10-years-after-10-lessons-learned-for-future-negotiations-with-moscow\/<\/a><\/p>\n<p><b id=\"_ftn50\"><\/b>[50] Shortly before, W. had already rendered outstanding services as a&nbsp;contact to Dimitriyev, negotiator for the release of US citizen Marc Fogel, who was imprisoned in Russia on February 11, 2025, and initiator of the round of talks in&nbsp;Riyadh.<\/p>\n<p><img src=\"http:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20240905145906\/textende.png\" alt=\"Textende\">[\/vc_column_text][vc_column_text css=\u201c\u201d]<span style=\"color: #ffffff;\">t<\/span>[\/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]Hat Ihnen unser Beitrag gefallen? 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It is high time for the EU to enter the negoti\u00ada\u00adtions force\u00adfully and with a&nbsp;clear concept. Germany must play a&nbsp;prominent role alongside France and Poland as soon as possible, including militarily, demands former German diplomat Johannes Regen\u00adbrecht. He analyzes the tradi\u00adtions of thought that guide Trump and Putin and which need to be under\u00adstood in order to decisively oppose their&nbsp;plans.&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":366,"featured_media":70548,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"wp_typography_post_enhancements_disabled":false,"mc4wp_mailchimp_campaign":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[2809],"tags":[2987],"class_list":["post-70635","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-analysis","tag-current"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v27.4 (Yoast SEO v27.5) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>In the shadow of Carl Schmitt: Putin and Trump&#039;s ideas on the division of Europe - libmod.de - Zentrum Liberale Moderne<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Over the heads of the Europeans, Trump and Putin are currently trying to divide up not only Ukraine, but also the dominance of &quot;Greater Europe&quot; between them. It is high time for the EU to enter the negotiations forcefully and with a clear concept. Germany must play a prominent role alongside France and Poland as soon as possible, including militarily, demands former German diplomat Johannes Regenbrecht. He analyzes the traditions of thought that guide Trump and Putin and which need to be understood in order to decisively oppose their plans.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/in-the-shadow-of-carl-schmitt-putin-and-trumps-ideas-on-the-division-of-europe\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"In the shadow of Carl Schmitt: Putin and Trump&#039;s ideas on the division of Europe\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Over the heads of the Europeans, Trump and Putin are currently trying to divide up not only Ukraine, but also the dominance of &quot;Greater Europe&quot; between them. It is high time for the EU to enter the negotiations forcefully and with a clear concept. Germany must play a prominent role alongside France and Poland as soon as possible, including militarily, demands former German diplomat Johannes Regenbrecht. He analyzes the traditions of thought that guide Trump and Putin and which need to be understood in order to decisively oppose their plans.\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/in-the-shadow-of-carl-schmitt-putin-and-trumps-ideas-on-the-division-of-europe\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"libmod.de - Zentrum Liberale Moderne\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/LiberaleModerne\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2025-02-27T13:51:04+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2025-03-12T15:45:03+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20250227145921\/800_Trump_Putin.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"1200\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"800\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Johannes Regenbrecht\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:description\" content=\"Over the heads of the Europeans, Trump and Putin are currently trying to divide up not only Ukraine, but also the dominance of &quot;Greater Europe&quot; between them. It is high time for the EU to enter the negotiations forcefully and with a clear concept. Germany must play a prominent role alongside France and Poland as soon as possible, including militarily, demands former German diplomat Johannes Regenbrecht. 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