{"id":79969,"date":"2026-09-03T14:13:33","date_gmt":"2026-09-03T12:13:33","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/libmod.de\/keeping-yerevan-in-moscows-orbit-russias-fimi-playbook-in-armenia\/"},"modified":"2026-09-03T15:11:32","modified_gmt":"2026-09-03T13:11:32","slug":"keeping-yerevan-in-moscows-orbit-russias-fimi-playbook-in-armenia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/keeping-yerevan-in-moscows-orbit-russias-fimi-playbook-in-armenia\/","title":{"rendered":"Keeping Yerevan in Moscow\u2019s Orbit: Russia\u2019s FIMI Playbook in&nbsp;Armenia"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"wpb-content-wrapper\" id=\"wpb-content-root\"><p>[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text css_animation=\u201cnone\u201d]<img class=\"alignnone wp-image-79674 size-full\" src=\"https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20260730140617\/OePplus_Disinformation_2_1200_500.jpg\" alt width=\"1200\" height=\"500\" srcset=\"https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20260730140617\/OePplus_Disinformation_2_1200_500.jpg 1200w, https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20260730140617\/OePplus_Disinformation_2_1200_500-770x321.jpg 770w, https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20260730140617\/OePplus_Disinformation_2_1200_500-768x320.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row css=\u201d.vc_custom_1508251598805{margin-top: 30px !important;}\u201d][vc_column width=\u201c2\/3\u201d css=\u201d.vc_custom_1508252250311{padding-right: 20px !important;}\u201d][vc_column_text css_animation=\u201cnone\u201d]<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"x_MsoNormal\">Armenia is seeking to reduce its foreign and security policy depen\u00addence on Russia while expanding its ties with the EU and other Western partners. Moscow is responding with political and economic pressure as well as targeted influence opera\u00adtions. The analysis shows how Russia exploits existing fears, conflicts and depen\u00addencies to discredit Armenia\u2019s Western orien\u00adtation and preserve its influence over the&nbsp;country.<\/h3>\n<p><!--more-->[\/vc_column_text][vc_column_text css_animation=\u201cnone\u201d]Russia\u2019s influence over Armenia is coming under increasing pressure: security ties have deteri\u00ado\u00adrated signif\u00adi\u00adcantly, while Yerevan is expanding its relations with the European Union and other Western partners. At the same time, Moscow retains consid\u00aderable leverage \u2013 ranging from economic and energy depen\u00addencies and its military presence to an extensive network of political, media and societal&nbsp;actors.<\/p>\n<p>Russian influence opera\u00adtions delib\u00ader\u00adately exploit existing insecu\u00adrities and social fault lines. Peace with Azerbaijan and normal\u00adization with Turkey are portrayed as betrayal and as leading to the \u201cTurki\u00adfi\u00adcation\u201d of Armenia, while Russia presents itself as the country\u2019s indis\u00adpensable security guarantor and economic partner. The aim is to undermine trust in state insti\u00adtu\u00adtions, deepen political polar\u00adization and constrain the Armenian government\u2019s room for manoeuvre. The analysis also identifies concrete ways to strengthen resilience: tighter rules against covert foreign financing and electoral inter\u00adference, closer intel\u00adli\u00adgence and infor\u00admation-sharing, stronger cyber\u00adse\u00adcurity, and European support to reduce Armenia\u2019s economic, energy and security depen\u00addencies on&nbsp;Russia.<\/p>\n<p><i>This country paper is part of a&nbsp;series of five case studies published under the title <\/i><b><i>\u201cRussian Playbook: Foreign Infor\u00admation Manip\u00adu\u00adlation and Inter\u00adference (FIMI) in Armenia, Georgia, Germany, Moldova, and Ukraine.\u201d<\/i><\/b><i>&nbsp;The publi\u00adca\u00adtions are part of LibMod\u2019s Eastern Partnership Plus Programme, funded by the German Federal Foreign&nbsp;Office.<\/i>[\/\u200bvc_\u200bcolumn_\u200btext]<\/p><div class=\"gem-button-container gem-button-position-inline thegem-button-6a99e6e475f2f612    \"><a title=\"Policy Paper: Russian FIMI in Germany\" class=\"gem-button gem-button-size-small gem-button-style-flat gem-button-text-weight-normal\" data-ll-effect=\"drop-right-without-wrap\" style=\"border-radius: 3px;\" onmouseleave onmouseenter href=\"https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20260903142957\/Policy-Paper-Keeping-Yerevan-in-Moscows-Orbit-Russias-FIMI-Playbook-in-Armenia.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Download Policy Paper as&nbsp;PDF<\/a><\/div> [vc_\u200bcolumn_\u200btext css_animation=\u201cnone\u201d]\n<h2>I. Country context and strategic&nbsp;relevance<\/h2>\n<p>Armenia is the only country in the South Caucasus that is a&nbsp;formal member of Russia-led proxy organi\u00adza\u00adtions both in the military-political sphere (the Collective Security Treaty Organi\u00adzation, CSTO) and in the economic sphere (the Eurasian Economic Union, EAEU), organ\u00adi\u00adsa\u00adtions which serve as instru\u00adments for preserving Russia\u2019s geopo\u00adlitical dominance across the post-Soviet space. Armenia suspended its partic\u00adi\u00adpation in the CSTO following Azerbai\u00adjan\u2019s attacks on Armenia\u2019s sovereign territory in September 2022. Armenia is also the only country in the region in which Russia continues to maintain a&nbsp;legal military presence. This presence includes the 102nd Military Base, consisting of the main garrison in Gyumri, the Kanaker garrison (Yerevan), and the 3624th Air Base at Erebuni Airport (Yerevan). In addition, under a&nbsp;1992 agreement, Russian border guards are respon\u00adsible for protecting Armenia\u2019s borders with Iran (45&nbsp;km) and Turkey (327&nbsp;km). The withdrawal of these forces would mean the end of Russia\u2019s physical military presence throughout the South Caucasus, excluding the occupied terri\u00adtories of&nbsp;Georgia.<\/p>\n<p>Current Armenian\u2013Russian relations are charac\u00adterized by the weakening of what have tradi\u00adtionally been close ties and growing diplo\u00admatic and economic tensions. Russia is no longer Armenia\u2019s primary supplier of military equipment (it accounted for 94% of Armenia\u2019s arms imports in 2020 but less than 7% by 2026)\u2024<a href=\"#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\"><sup>[1]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>Russia began imposing bans on imports of various Armenian agricul\u00adtural products, as well as certain alcoholic beverages, mineral water, and other goods ahead of Armenia\u2019s June 2026 parlia\u00admentary elections and has continued to introduce new restric\u00adtions since the election. Simul\u00adta\u00adne\u00adously, Moscow increased its diplo\u00admatic pressure on Yerevan, demanding that it \u201cchoose between the European Union and the Eurasian Economic&nbsp;Union\u201d.<\/p>\n<h3>Exploited vulner\u00ada\u00adbil\u00adities:<\/h3>\n<ol>\n<li>The unresolved conflict with Azerbaijan and the closed border with Turkey, including issues relating&nbsp;to:<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<ul>\n<li>the occupation of Armenian&nbsp;territory<\/li>\n<li>refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh<\/li>\n<li>the destruction of Armenian cultural heritage in&nbsp;Azerbaijan<\/li>\n<li>the trauma of the Armenian&nbsp;Genocide<\/li>\n<li>aggressive rhetoric from Baku, including the \u201cWestern Azerbaijan\u201d narrative<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<ol start=\"2\">\n<li>Armenian seasonal migrant workers in Russia, whose vulner\u00ada\u00adbility stems from the possi\u00adbility of depor\u00adtation, work restric\u00adtions, and limita\u00adtions on the transfer of remit\u00adtances to&nbsp;Armenia.<\/li>\n<li>Socio-economic problems within&nbsp;Armenia.<\/li>\n<li>The conflict between Armenia\u2019s secular author\u00adities and the leadership of the Armenian Apostolic&nbsp;Church.<\/li>\n<li>Armenia\u2019s economic and energy depen\u00addence on&nbsp;Russia.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<h2>II. The Russian FIMI&nbsp;playbook<\/h2>\n<p>The peace process with Azerbaijan and normal\u00adization of relations with Turkey are portrayed as a&nbsp;betrayal of national&nbsp;memory.<\/p>\n<p>Russian influence opera\u00adtions are synchro\u00adnized with political messaging and increas\u00adingly confronta\u00adtional diplo\u00admatic rhetoric. This has included demands that Armenia consider the interests of Russian citizens in its domestic political processes, notably during the Pashinyan-Putin meeting of 1&nbsp;April&nbsp;2026.<\/p>\n<p>Russia regularly reminds Armenia of the discount rates Armenia pays for gas and of Armenia\u2019s depen\u00addence on the Russian market. Since late May 2026, these narra\u00adtives have been accom\u00adpanied by bans on imports of Armenian products, turning what had previ\u00adously been threats into concrete economic&nbsp;pressure.<\/p>\n<p>As Russia has lost many of its tradi\u00adtional leverage mecha\u00adnisms in the security domain, its infor\u00admation opera\u00adtions increas\u00adingly focus on portraying the Armenian\u2013Azerbaijani and Armenian\u2013Turkish peace processes as doomed to failure and empha\u00adsizing the alleged existential threat that Turkey and Azerbaijan both pose to&nbsp;Armenia.<\/p>\n<p>Diplo\u00admat\u00adi\u00adcally, Russia\u2018s rhetoric toward Armenia has grown harsher; Moscow increas\u00adingly puts Armenia in the same group as Ukraine and warns against the \u201cUkrainization of Armenia\u201d.<a href=\"#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\"><sup>[2]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<h3>Russia\u2019s strategic objec\u00adtives in the infor\u00admation&nbsp;domain<\/h3>\n<p>Russia\u2019s objec\u00adtives in the infor\u00admation domain are to promote pro-Kremlin narra\u00adtives that reinforce Moscow\u2019s preferred inter\u00adpre\u00adtation of regional devel\u00adop\u00adments and to undermine alter\u00adnative perspec\u00adtives. At the same time, Russia seeks to desta\u00adbilize Armenia\u2019s domestic political environment by eroding public confi\u00addence in state insti\u00adtu\u00adtions, ampli\u00adfying social tensions, and weakening the govern\u00adment\u2019s ability to govern effec\u00adtively. A&nbsp;further objective is to increase political polar\u00adization by deepening divisions between different political and social groups, making it more difficult to achieve consensus on key national issues and creating condi\u00adtions that enhance Russia\u2019s leverage over Armenia\u2019s internal decision-making.<\/p>\n<p>The ultimate objective is regime change through the replacement of the current government with one more obedient to&nbsp;Russia.<\/p>\n<p>An inter\u00adme\u00addiate objective is to escalate diplo\u00admatic pressure, economic coercion, internal desta\u00adbi\u00adlization, driven by pro-Russian parlia\u00admentary parties and social discontent, to the point where govern\u00admental decision-making becomes paralyzed. This would compel Armenia\u2019s author\u00adities to make conces\u00adsions on issues important to Russia, such as the following: the preser\u00advation of Russian logis\u00adtical assets; maintaining the Russian military base; retaining the Russian railway concession; and ensuring Russian involvement in regional connec\u00adtivity projects, including the \u201cTrump&nbsp;Road\u201d.<\/p>\n<h3>Dominant narra\u00adtives promoted by Russian and pro-Russian actors<\/h3>\n<p>The principal narra\u00adtives promoted by Russian and pro-Russian actors portray Armenia as facing an existential threat of \u201cTurki\u00adfi\u00adcation\u201d, claiming that the govern\u00adment\u2019s foreign and security policies will ultimately place the country under Turkish political, economic, and cultural influence. At the same time, Russia is presented as Armenia\u2019s only reliable security guarantor and an indis\u00adpensable economic partner, with narra\u00adtives empha\u00adsizing that no viable alter\u00adnative exists. These messages are reinforced by efforts to foster distrust toward the West, portraying European and Euro-Atlantic engagement as either ineffective or ultimately serving Turkish and Azerbaijani interests rather than Armenia\u2019s&nbsp;security.<\/p>\n<p>The West is portrayed as synonymous with Turkey in the regional context, accom\u00adpanied by narra\u00adtives concerning the possible return of 300,000 Azerbai\u00adjanis and related security&nbsp;threats.<\/p>\n<h3>Tactics, techniques, and&nbsp;procedures<\/h3>\n<p>Russian influence opera\u00adtions rely on a&nbsp;combi\u00adnation of infor\u00admation, political, and societal instru\u00adments. These include coordi\u00adnated disin\u00adfor\u00admation campaigns and the systematic dissem\u00adi\u00adnation of strategic narra\u00adtives through state, proxy, and online media. Infor\u00admation activ\u00adities are often synchro\u00adnized with official diplo\u00admatic state\u00adments and political messaging to amplify their impact. Russian actors also seek to influence Armenia\u2019s domestic politics by mobilizing Armenians who live in Russia during elections, supporting or culti\u00advating pro-Russian political forces, and maintaining a&nbsp;network of pro-Russian media outlets. At the same time, soft power insti\u00adtu\u00adtions, such as the Russian Book House, are used to promote Russian cultural influence and reinforce pro-Kremlin narratives.<\/p>\n<p>Russian influence opera\u00adtions involve a&nbsp;broad network of state and non-state actors. These include a&nbsp;signif\u00adicant portion of Armenia\u2019s pro-Russian opposition, Russian citizens engaged in business activ\u00adities in Armenia, and segments of the Armenian diaspora residing in Russia. Infor\u00admation opera\u00adtions are amplified through Russian state media, including Sputnik Armenia, as well as Russian television channels available in Armenia\u2019s public broad\u00adcasting network. Additional influence is exercised through Russia-based commen\u00adtators and experts who present themselves as sympa\u00adthetic to Armenian interests, such as Konstantin Zatulin, alongside ethnic Armenian media person\u00adal\u00adities including Margarita Simonyan, Semyon Bagdasarov, and Karen Shakhnazarov.<a href=\"#_ftn3\" name=\"_ftnref3\"><sup>[3]<\/sup><\/a> Russian actors also seek to mobilize vulnerable social groups, partic\u00adu\u00adlarly refugees from Artsakh, individuals maintaining close personal or economic ties with Russia, and sympa\u00adthetic activists, bloggers, and civil society repre\u00adsen\u00adta\u00adtives, who knowingly or unknow\u00adingly contribute to the dissem\u00adi\u00adnation of pro-Kremlin narratives.<\/p>\n<h3>Primary target&nbsp;audiences<\/h3>\n<p>Russian influence opera\u00adtions target audiences that are considered to be partic\u00adu\u00adlarly suscep\u00adtible to security, economic, and identity-based narra\u00adtives. These include people directly affected by the conflict with Azerbaijan, farmers and businesses impacted by Russian trade restric\u00adtions, relatives of Armenians living and working in Russia, socially vulnerable groups, and citizens dissat\u00adisfied with the policies of Prime Minister Pashinyan. Particular attention is devoted to the population of Armenia\u2019s Syunik Province, where Russian and pro-Russian actors actively promote narra\u00adtives claiming that the region is under threat of occupation, \u201cTurki\u00adfi\u00adcation\u201d, or eventual transfer to Azerbaijan in order to heighten insecurity, fuel public anxiety, and undermine confi\u00addence in the govern\u00adment\u2019s&nbsp;policies.<\/p>\n<h3>The most signif\u00adicant Russian FIMI opera\u00adtions during the past three to five&nbsp;years<\/h3>\n<ol>\n<li>Promotion of narra\u00adtives regarding the return of 300,000 Azerbai\u00adjanis, \u201cWestern Azerbaijan\u201d, and related themes. Although these narra\u00adtives origi\u00adnated in Baku, their active promotion became a&nbsp;main commu\u00adni\u00adcation tactic of pro-Russian political forces during Armenia\u2019s election&nbsp;campaign.<\/li>\n<li>Distri\u00adb\u00adution of coordi\u00adnated messaging (\u201ctalking points\u201d) to Russian media outlets and bloggers following Azerbai\u00adjan\u2019s military operation in Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2023, aimed at assigning full respon\u00adsi\u00adbility to the Armenian government, including the narrative that \u201cPashinyan recog\u00adnized Karabakh as part of Azerbaijan in Prague\u201d.<a href=\"#_ftn4\" name=\"_ftnref4\">[4]<\/a><\/li>\n<li>The disin\u00adfor\u00admation campaign alleging that Turkish mosques were being built in&nbsp;Armenia.<\/li>\n<li>Exploitation of the conflict between Prime Minister Pashinyan and the Catholicos (the head of the Armenian Apostolic Church) as part of the broader \u201cTurki\u00adfi\u00adcation of Armenia\u201d&nbsp;narrative.<\/li>\n<li>The deployment of Russian oligarch Samvel Karapetyan to Armenia during this political confrontation.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<h2>III. Resilience and countermeasures<\/h2>\n<h3>What has&nbsp;worked<\/h3>\n<p>The most effective counter\u00admea\u00adsures have combined government action, civil society initia\u00adtives, and public awareness efforts. These have included identi\u00adfying and exposing mecha\u00adnisms used to transport Armenian citizens from Russia to partic\u00adipate in elections, as well as uncov\u00adering coordi\u00adnated disin\u00adfor\u00admation networks, partic\u00adu\u00adlarly through the work of the Union of Informed Citizens. Legislative reforms crimi\u00adnal\u00adizing both vote-buying and vote-selling, accom\u00adpanied by extensive public awareness campaigns, including at airports, have also strengthened electoral resilience. In addition, Russia\u2019s own economic restric\u00adtions on Armenian exports generated an unintended backlash, contributing to growing public scepticism toward Moscow\u2019s policies and reducing the effec\u00adtiveness of some pro-Russian narratives.<\/p>\n<h3>Remaining vulner\u00ada\u00adbil\u00adities and&nbsp;gaps<\/h3>\n<p>Armenia continues to face several struc\u00adtural vulner\u00ada\u00adbil\u00adities that can be exploited by Russian influence opera\u00adtions. These include its signif\u00adicant economic and energy depen\u00addence on Russia, as well as the continued presence of Russian military forces on Armenian territory. Existing capability gaps include the lack of adequate mecha\u00adnisms for detecting and prose\u00adcuting covert foreign financing of election campaigns and other forms of political inter\u00adference. Russia also benefits from narra\u00adtives that originate in Azerbaijan, which Russia then amplifies to reinforce its own strategic messaging. Additional vulner\u00ada\u00adbil\u00adities stem from the presence of pro-Russian political forces that are capable of contributing to domestic desta\u00adbi\u00adlization and political paralysis, the continued broad\u00adcasting of Russian television channels through Armenia\u2019s national multiplex, the operation of Russian media outlets such as Sputnik Armenia and proxy platforms including Euromedia24 and Channel 5, and the activ\u00adities of Russian soft power insti\u00adtu\u00adtions such as the Russian Book&nbsp;House.<\/p>\n<h3>How effective is cooper\u00adation with the EU, NATO, and other inter\u00adna\u00adtional&nbsp;partners?<\/h3>\n<p>The major inter\u00adna\u00adtional political devel\u00adop\u00adments including the European Political Community Summit, President Emmanuel Macron\u2019s state visit, and enhanced cooper\u00adation with the United States have created a&nbsp;favourable infor\u00admation environment. This is reflected in consis\u00adtently high approval ratings for the European Union and France, alongside rising negative percep\u00adtions of Russia (currently approx\u00adi\u00admately 43%).<a href=\"#_ftn5\" name=\"_ftnref5\"><sup>[5]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n<p>General lessons include under\u00adstanding mecha\u00adnisms being exploited in multiple countries in relation to cyber opera\u00adtions, societal polar\u00adization, and the exploitation of sensitive political and historical issues. At the same time, Armenia\u2019s case remains unique due to several distinctive factors, including its conflicts with Azerbaijan and Turkey, as well as Russia\u2019s extensive influence and physical presence inside the&nbsp;country.<\/p>\n<h3>Policy recom\u00admen\u00adda\u00adtions at the national and European&nbsp;levels:<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Adapt legis\u00adlation to address the specific charac\u00adter\u00adistics of Russian inter\u00adference, including covert financing mecha\u00adnisms and voter&nbsp;bribery.<\/li>\n<li>Provide expert and technical assis\u00adtance to identify hidden mecha\u00adnisms of Russian&nbsp;influence.<\/li>\n<li>Strengthen intel\u00adli\u00adgence cooper\u00adation, opera\u00adtional infor\u00admation-sharing, and exchange of data, including infor\u00admation on Russian citizens involved in FIMI activ\u00adities within the EU and targeted&nbsp;countries.<\/li>\n<li>Train specialists to identify and counter the principal narra\u00adtives and messaging techniques used by Russian&nbsp;propaganda.<\/li>\n<li>Expand cyber\u00adse\u00adcurity assis\u00adtance (partially underway through the new European Mission in&nbsp;Armenia).<\/li>\n<li>Provide technical and insti\u00adtu\u00adtional support for devel\u00adoping Armenia\u2019s border management capacity, enabling the eventual replacement of Russian border&nbsp;guards.<\/li>\n<li>Develop contin\u00adgency plans, including economic and energy crisis scenarios, with rapid assis\u00adtance mecha\u00adnisms for Armenia, similar to the support provided to Moldova since 2022 (energy assis\u00adtance, food supply, opening European markets to Armenian exports,&nbsp;etc.).<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref1\" name=\"_ftn1\">[1]<\/a> Stockholm Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), <em>SIPRI Arms Transfers Database<\/em>, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.sipri.org\/databases\/armstransfers\">https:\/\/www.sipri.org\/databases\/armstransfers<\/a> (accessed July&nbsp;2026).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref2\" name=\"_ftn2\">[2]<\/a> Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Feder\u00adation, Press conference by Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova, June 2026, available at: <a href=\"https:\/\/mid.ru\/en\/press_service\/spokesperson\/briefings\/\">https:\/\/mid.ru\/en\/press_service\/spokesperson\/briefings\/<\/a> (state\u00adments referring to the alleged \u201cUkrainization of&nbsp;Armenia\u201d).<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref3\" name=\"_ftn3\">[3]<\/a> European External Action Service (EEAS), <em>2nd EEAS Report on Foreign Infor\u00admation Manip\u00adu\u00adlation and Inter\u00adference (FIMI) Threats<\/em>, 2024, and EUvsDisinfo database, <a href=\"https:\/\/euvsdisinfo.eu\/\">https:\/\/euvsdisinfo.eu\/<\/a>, documenting the role of state-affil\u00adiated media person\u00adal\u00adities and proxy actors in Russian infor\u00admation manip\u00adu\u00adlation&nbsp;campaigns.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref4\" name=\"_ftn4\">[4]<\/a> DFRLab (Atlantic Council), <em>Breakout from the Black Box: Russian Infor\u00admation Opera\u00adtions after the Fall of Nagorno-Karabakh<\/em>, 2023; European External Action Service (EEAS), <em>2nd EEAS Report on Foreign Infor\u00admation Manip\u00adu\u00adlation and Inter\u00adference (FIMI) Threats<\/em>, 2024.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref5\" name=\"_ftn5\">[5]<\/a> Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Repub\u00adlican Institute (IRI), <em>Armenia Poll<\/em>, 2025\u20132026; Inter\u00adna\u00adtional Repub\u00adlican Institute, <em>Center for Insights in Survey Research<\/em>, public opinion surveys measuring attitudes toward the European Union, France, the United States, and Russia in&nbsp;Armenia.<\/p>\n<p><img class=\"alignnone wp-image-23921 size-full\" src=\"http:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20240905145906\/textende.png\" alt=\"Textende\" width=\"40\" height=\"120\">[\/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]<strong>Gef\u00f6rdert durch:<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><img class=\"alignnone wp-image-79736\" src=\"https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20260804125119\/AA_Web_de-2.png\" alt width=\"172\" height=\"109\">&nbsp; <img class=\"alignnone wp-image-79738\" src=\"https:\/\/libmodredaktion.fra1.digitaloceanspaces.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/20260804125207\/CSC-Logo-web.png\" alt width=\"217\" height=\"63\">[\/vc_column_text][vc_separator][vc_column_text]Hat Ihnen unser Beitrag gefallen? 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Moscow is responding with political and economic pressure as well as targeted influence opera\u00adtions. The analysis shows how Russia exploits existing fears, conflicts and depen\u00addencies to discredit Armenia\u2019s Western orien\u00adtation and preserve its influence over the&nbsp;country.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":439,"featured_media":79677,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"wp_typography_post_enhancements_disabled":false,"mc4wp_mailchimp_campaign":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[10679],"tags":[14714,14168,14756,14990,15596,15408,2879],"class_list":["post-79969","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-policy-paper-2","tag-armenia","tag-eap-plus","tag-eastern-partnership-plus","tag-eo_sl-en","tag-fimi_oep","tag-publications","tag-russia"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v28.3 (Yoast SEO v28.4) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Keeping Yerevan in Moscow\u2019s Orbit: Russia\u2019s FIMI Playbook in Armenia - libmod.de - Zentrum Liberale Moderne<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Armenia is seeking to reduce its foreign and security policy dependence on Russia while expanding its ties with the EU and other Western partners. Moscow is responding with political and economic pressure as well as targeted influence operations. The analysis shows how Russia exploits existing fears, conflicts and dependencies to discredit Armenia\u2019s Western orientation and preserve its influence over the country.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/libmod.de\/en\/keeping-yerevan-in-moscows-orbit-russias-fimi-playbook-in-armenia\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Keeping Yerevan in Moscow\u2019s Orbit: Russia\u2019s FIMI Playbook in Armenia\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Armenia is seeking to reduce its foreign and security policy dependence on Russia while expanding its ties with the EU and other Western partners. 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