Ukrainian expec­ta­tions for the German presi­dency of the Council of the EU

Foto: Yannick-Morelli/ shutterstock.com

As part of our project “Eastern Part­ner­ship 2.0” we publish a series of arti­cles about the three EU asso­ci­a­tion states (Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova). Three authors from the region (Paata Gaprindashvili, Mariam Tsitsikashvili, Hennadiy Maksak, Angela Gramada) analyse the expec­ta­tions for the German Council Presi­dency as to the future shape of the Eastern Partnership from the perspective of civil society.

By Hennadiy Maksak

The European Union is Ukraine’s biggest strategic partner in terms of financial assis­tance, support for reforms and economic cooper­ation. In both political and economic terms, the level of EU assis­tance to Ukraine helps our state to survive and boost its resilience. Just to mention one example, the recent EU support package to fight COVID-19 for the Eastern Partnership partner states has been very valuable and timely.

Kyiv relies heavily on European support, both in advancing its reform agenda and in fighting Russian aggression. Despite a very compli­cated track towards prospective EU membership for Ukraine, the level of political support provided by the EU to our state has been unprece­dented, with respect both to Ukrainian public author­ities and to civil society.

Now, with Germany assuming the presi­dency of the Council of the EU for the second half of 2020, all eyes are fixed on the prior­ities official Berlin has chosen for this period.

First and foremost, we must point out that the German government has been very active in promoting progress along a Europe-oriented reform in Ukraine, especially since the Revolution of Dignity. It has provided far-reaching financial assis­tance and advising in relation to sectoral alignment with the EU norms and standards.

Many public and nongovern­mental organi­za­tions from Germany have launched projects aimed at raising public awareness and capacity building in areas related to imple­men­tation of the Ukraine-EU Associ­ation Agreement. The German public agency GIZ has been highly instru­mental in coordi­nating EU financial assis­tance in Ukraine.

The upcoming German presi­dency of the EU Council has been literally shaped by the recent geopo­litical shifts and COVID-19 related crises requiring urgent responses from the European Union. Clearly, the prior­ities identified by senior German officials for Germany’s presi­dency in the second half of 2020 have been strongly influ­enced by pressing issues such as the need to overcome the economic and social conse­quences of the coron­avirus crisis, to broker and conclude a new agreement with the Great Britain and to recon­sider relations both with the USA and China.

Still, Ukraine attaches great impor­tance to Germany’s plans for its presi­dency with respect to boosting the EU’s resilience and security by making the it greener and more digitalised. During recent talks with EU and German officials, Ukrainian author­ities confirmed their interest in cooper­ating on the European Green Deal and a compre­hensive digital agenda. And the list of other sectoral areas of mutual interest is a long one.

Furthermore, both Ukrainian author­ities and Ukrainian society are looking to German to maintain a firm stance on continuing the regime of sanctions against Russia until Ukrainian terri­torial integrity and sover­eignty has been restored. The security component was one of the top issues during a number of high-level bilateral Ukrainian-German meetings held in the first half of 2020. And the fact that the programme for Germany’s presi­dency of the Council of the European Union envisages efforts to find a solution to the inter­na­tional conflict in the Eastern Ukraine is a positive sign.

Unfor­tu­nately, it appears that the Eastern Partnership, as multi­lateral archi­tecture, is no longer a prime focus for Germany, but has shifted to the side-lines of political attention. Even in media releases that refer to the external prior­ities of the presi­dency, let alone in the program for the presi­dency itself, it is easier to find refer­ences to Asia and Africa than to Eastern Europe and South Caucasus.

While the Croatian presi­dency was overwhelmed with EaP-related events, Germany appears quite reluctant to continue the pace it set. Two high-level Eastern Partnership events were held in online formats in June of 2020. And a fully-fledged physical EaP summit has been postponed till spring 2021, leaving Berlin with some important but rather technical activ­ities in prepa­ration for the meeting next year.

Moreover, one can hardly say that Germany envisages a policy specif­i­cally for the associated countries (Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine) within the framework of the Eastern Partnership.

Although the EaP Summit Decla­ration in 2017 made mention of an informal dialogue for the three states with associ­ation agree­ments, this option was not very well developed in terms of structure or content. And while the Associ­ation Agree­ments and Deep and Compre­hensive Free Trade Areas were recog­nised as very important milestones of the Eastern Partnership in the context of the 10-year anniversary in May 2019, there is still no clear cut under­standing on the EU’s side as to how to move forward from there with this club of three partner states that have made more progress.

The same approach, or lack of one, can be seen in the document “20 EaP Deliv­er­ables for 2020”, which offers no clear framework for differ­en­ti­ating among the 6 partner states, while containing a strik­ingly varied range of bilateral commitments.

Up to now, Germany has not been noticed in the camp of propo­nents of the so-called “Eastern Partnership +”. This initiative calls for greater attention to Ukraine, Moldova and Ukraine vis-à-vis a more ambitious political agenda and deeper sectoral integration in the EU market. EaP + has been strongly advocated by the European Parliament, by national govern­ments and civil society in Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova.

But there is still reluc­tance to admit a two-speed approach towards EaP partner states in the European Commission, in EEAS, and in the capitals of some EU member states, including Berlin. The fear is that less-integrated states (Azerbaijan, Armenia and Belarus) would “be lost in the dust” of front-runners.

Of course, this view is disheart­ening for Ukraine, one of the leading partners in imple­menting its Associ­ation Agreement and 20 EaP deliv­er­ables. In political terms, the loss of motivation is manifest in Ukraine’s attempt to publicly separate the Eastern Partnership as multi­lateral track and bilateral Ukraine-EU cooper­ation. In Ukrainian public discourse, one seldom encounters a reference to the Eastern Partnership as the policy encom­passing elements like the Ukraine-EU Associ­ation Agreement, DCFTA or the visa-free regime. Political decla­ra­tions emerging from Ukraine-EU bilateral summits have more substantive content than those from the EaP high-level meetings.

However, Germany could take further steps to crystallize a new framework for merit- and value-based relations with the EaP partners that have made the most progress.

First and furthermost, the time is ripe for the EU to align its approaches towards the Western Balkans and Eastern Partnership states. It is no secret that the associated states and Western Balkans states might be easily compared in terms of their progress towards fulfilling criteria for membership and activity in the area of aligning with EU legis­lation. In these circum­stances, the continued appli­cation of two different policy approaches towards these regions may give rise to a feeling of being the victim of discrim­i­nation in three EaP partner states. Berlin could propose to adjust progress assessment method­ologies as a practical step to enable the appli­cation of the “more for more” principle. This could be a task set for the EU Council presi­dency trio of Germany, Portugal and Slovenia in 2020–2021.

Another step that Germany could undertake in the Eastern Partnership would be to propose more areas of deep sectoral integration with the EU for Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova. These might include alignment in the digital domain, and in the customs, energy and security areas. In some fields, Ukraine may serve as a success story (for instance, if Ukrainian author­ities succeed in joining the ACAA).

Of course, German diplomats need to pay greater attention to the prepa­ration of a new programme document to replace the EU’s current Eastern Partnership “road map”, the “20 Deliv­er­ables for 2020”. New prior­ities could be added for a 5–7 year period. This new document should be stricter and more binding with respect to fulfilling commit­ments in the “political part” of the programme (rule of law, anti- corruption, free and fair judiciary, positive human rights record). All other sectoral cooper­ation should be condi­tional to progress in these domains; in this way, a selective approach, such as that seen with respect to the current document, could be avoided.

 

 

Hennadiy Maksak, 

Executive Director of the Foreign Policy Council “Ukrainian Prism”, 

Chairman of the Civic Council under the MFA of Ukraine, 

in 2016–2019 Coordi­nator of the Ukrainian National Platform of the Eastern Partnership Civil Society Forum.