What we can do to temper the withdrawal of US aid

The disman­tling of the U.S. Agency for Inter­na­tional Devel­opment (USAID) and the ensuing freezing of foreign aid are a cause for serious concern among civil society organi­za­tions in Eastern Europe. At a recent meeting hosted by the Center for Liberal Modernity, politi­cians, repre­sen­ta­tives of government agencies and private founda­tions, as well as civil society experts discussed how Germany and Europe should respond to these developments.

The meeting’s key minutes were:

The abrupt reduction in U.S. support poses an existential threat to numerous projects of democ­ratic opposition groups, independent media, and human rights organi­za­tions in Eastern Europe. Impli­ca­tions reach far beyond individual programs.

  • A severe blow to trust: From an Eastern European perspective, the West (USA and EU) has always been seen as the point of reference in financial and non-material terms. The trust built up over decades is now being seriously undermined.
  • Autoc­racies are poised to fill the vacuum: The poor perfor­mance of liberal democ­racies has emboldened autocratic regimes. They will fill the vacuum left by the West, which in turn would increase the influence of forces supporting autocrats (oligarchs, mafia-like struc­tures etc).
  • The erosion of value-based politics: The mindset that the strongest are important and respected for their power, that every­thing is trans­ac­tional so that legit­imacy, respectability and influence can be bought, under­mines the rules-based order. This creates uncer­tainty and is extremely dangerous.

Our response to the DOGE cuts must be both political (to rebuild trust) and financial.

  • Democ­ratic govern­ments need to take a clearer stance towards autocrats. In terms of realpolitik, we obviously have to talk to them, but this must not translate into a “kiss and smile” approach. Our priority should be to engage with and support democ­ratic civil societies within these countries.
  • There was contro­versy over the extent to which the donor community should pursue democracy promotion as a goal. Some partic­i­pants argued that in the face of democ­ratic backsliding around the world, they are no longer talking about promoting democracy, but about strength­ening democ­ratic resilience. However, a majority of partic­i­pants, argued that although democ­racies are currently on the defensive, both strength­ening democ­ratic resilience in functioning democ­racies and promoting liberal democracy in autoc­racies should be pursued, even if we cannot expect quick success.
  • Strength­ening democ­ratic resilience/​democracy promotion in the region should become part of our security policy and security spending. Security is not just about military strength but also about sustainable peace. Ukraine’s ability to prevail as a sovereign and democ­ratic nation is absolutely crucial for the future of democracy in the region.
  • Faced with the double challenge of Russian aggression and U.S. withdrawal, Europe must step up initiative and donor cooper­ation, even if a complete replacement of U.S. funds is not possible. Given limited financial resources and numerous competing prior­ities, effec­tiveness could be maximized through: 
    • Engaging more private donors to broaden the funding base and ensure sustainability.
    • Enhancing donor coordi­nation to leverage synergies and align efforts more effec­tively. Germany, as one of the main donors supporting civil society in the region, should play an active role in this process and closely coordinate efforts with other engaged European countries such as Sweden, UK and Norway.
    • Focusing on each donor’s unique strengths to increase impact and avoid duplication.

Reducing bureau­cratic barriers and placing greater trust in local partners to enable flexible, need-based support.

Textende

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