Now Trending: Hostility Toward Israel with a Clear Conscience
On the disposal of Germany’s commitment to the Jewish state
In his essay for the major German weekend newspaper “Welt am Sonntag” Ralf Fücks, founding director of LibMod, analyzes the current debate about Israel, the efforts to get rid of Germany’s special commitment to the Jewish state (“end of the cult of guilt”), and the long lines of hostility toward Israel on the “progressive” left.
Wars are times of great lies and moments of truth. This also applies to German Israeli relations. All the celebrations and talks of Germany’s special responsibility have done little to conceal the alienation toward the Jewish state. We live in different realities, geographically, politically, and mentally. It was a grotesque misunderstanding to impose on Israel our illusions of a world in which international law prevails and all conflicts can be resolved through dialogue and compromise. Even Angela Merkel’s dictum that Israel’s security is part of Germany’s raison d’état was never a real commitment. Israel always knew that that, when push comes to shove, it will be on its own. However, without reassurance from the US, things could become difficult.
Yesterday it was “solidarity with Palestine”, today it is “hands off Iran”
Since the Gaza War, the cracks in the relationship with Israel have widened into a veritable dam burst. Its trigger – the triumphant attack by Hamas, with 1,200 Israelis murdered, an endless series of genocidal atrocities, and 250 hostages kidnapped – is now mentioned only out of a sense of duty. What this shock means for Israel, what trauma and determination to defend itself it has triggered, remains misunderstood. In large parts of the public, Israel is the perpetrator. Anti-Semitic attacks are rapidly increasing. There are calls for boycotts, open letters, and rallies against Israel. Yesterday it was “solidarity with Palestine,” today it is “hands off Iran.” Even in liberal middle-class circles, Israel is considered a notorious war criminal and arsonist. It is true that anti-Israel mania is not a German specialty. In other countries, it is even more intense. But we are a special case.
Across the political spectrum, there are calls to shake off historical partiality towards the Jewish state. No “forced solidarity” with Israel, as our new foreign minister called it. As if there ever was such a thing. Not a day goes by without criticism of Israel’s real or alleged human rights violations in our media. Millions of newly minted international law experts agree in their condemnation of Israel. The fact that Germany opposes inflationary condemnation of the Jewish state by the UN is the exception rather than the rule. We are reluctant to supply weapons anyway – with the laudable exception of submarines, which are part of Israel’s nuclear life insurance policy.
Solidarity that remains mere lip service
When Israel preempted an attack by an Arab coalition led by Egyptian President Nasser (“We will drive the Jews into the sea”) in 1967, Willy Brandt declared in the Bundestag that Germany would remain strictly neutral, although this did not mean “moral indifference or sluggishness of the heart.” A fairly accurate description. In the ensuing Yom Kippur War (1973), Israel found itself in a desperate situation at times. Nevertheless, the social-liberal German government demanded that the US stop supplying weapons via German ports and airports.
In other words, there has always been a gap between Sunday speeches and practical politics toward Israel. There has never been unconditional solidarity between states, nor can there ever be. But the current hypercriticism has taken on a new quality. Explaining it solely with Israel’s excessive use of force in the Gaza Strip falls short. There is a fundamental difference between criticizing Israel’s way of acting against an enemy that has sworn to destroy it and the systematic demonization of a country that still belongs to the democratic world.
Yes, the eliminatory slogans coming from Netanyahu’s extremist coalition partners are appalling. And it is unacceptable to use hunger as a weapon of war. But none of this explains the obsessive condemnation of Israel and the ignorance of the real threat to which the Jewish state has been exposed since its founding.
“Anti-Zionism” is the cipher for hostility with a good conscience
The dam did not burst out of the blue. At universities and in parts of the media, Israel has long been viewed solely through the prism of the occupation and branded a colonial state. The anti-Semitism of some immigrant communities is coupled with the condemnation of Israel by the postcolonial left. In the cultural scene, too, accusations of apartheid and boycott campaigns are part of the agenda. “Anti-Zionism” is the cipher for hostility toward Israel with a good conscience.
The post-war German left saw Israel as a progressive project. The radical left-wing offshoots of the ‘68 protest movement changed the perspective. For them, Israel was an outpost of Western imperialism. Their solidarity lay with the various factions of the “Palestinian liberation movement” and their armed struggle against Israel. It did not remain mere words.
On November 9, 1969, the anniversary of the pogrom night of 1938, a bomb attack by the “Tupamaros West Berlin” on the Jewish community center in Fasanenstraße narrowly failed. The indirect justification was provided a few days later by Dieter Kunzelmann, an idol of the Berlin left-wing alternative scene: The left should shed its “Jewish complex.” “Once we have finally learned to understand the fascist ideology of Zionism, we will no longer hesitate to replace our simplistic philosemitism with solidarity with Fatah.” This differs only in nuances from the new right’s call to finally abandon the “German cult of guilt.” Nothing relieves the German soul as much as declaring Israel a rogue state and accusing it of genocide.
German-Israeli estrangement must not remain
When the then Green Party leader Christian Ströbele said during the first Gulf War: “The Iraqi missile attacks are the logical, almost inevitable consequence of Israel’s polemics,” it was still a scandal. Today, it is common opinion that Israel is itself to blame when it is attacked and that we should therefore not lift a finger in its defense.
The fact that Friedrich Merz dared to say, “Israel does the dirty work for us,” gives hope that the German-Israeli estrangement is not irreversible. However, the reaction to this shows that a good portion of our opinion-forming elites are not prepared to climb down from their high ranks of moral superiority. Merz is only stating an uncomfortable truth. Even a just war is a violent, risky enterprise. Those who wage it to avert an existential threat, get their hands dirty. Instead of scolding Israel, we should do our utmost to support the Jewish David in his struggle against Iran and its axis of evil, in our own best interests. An Iran that has been shown its limits is easier to negotiate with.
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